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THE

CHURCH HISTORY OF

BRITAIN 5

•! FROM

THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL
THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII.

ENDEAVOURED

BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D.

PRBBENOART OF SARUM.

A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES,

BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A.

VOLUME IV.

OXFORD:

AT THE UNIVERSITY iPRESS.

M.DCCC.XLY, •-««/

THE

CHUECH HISTORY

BRITAIN.

THE SEVENTH BOOK,

CONTAINING THE REION OS KINO EDWARD THE SIXTH.

FULLEB, VOL. IV. B

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

LEICESTER DEVEREUX,

VISCOUNT HEREFOED, LORD FEERARS
OF CHARTLEY, &I1.-

My Lord,

gjiREAT was the difference betwixt the
^-'^ breeding of Adonijah and Solomoo,

though sons to the same fether: the
fonner tasted not of reproof, much
less of correction; it being never said unto him,
Wh^ hast thou done so^?

Solomon had hia education on severer principles ;
he was his parents' darling, not their fondling ■'. It
was after sounded in his ears, What my son, and
what the son of my womb ^ ?

Our English gentry too often embrace the first

■ [Sir Walter, the fifth vis- 499. His son Leicester sue

count, son and heir of sir Ed. ceeded him ; but I think that

ward Devereux, succeeded to Fuller has mistaken the son's

the title in 1646, and died in name for the lather's.]

1661. He was one of the peers ^ i Kings, i. 6.

sent by parliament to wait on <= Ptot, iv, 3.

king Charles II. at the Hague, ^ Prov, xxxi, 3.
in 1660. See Clarendon, vii.

4 DEDICATION.

course in breeding their children, whereby they
become old men before they axe wise men, because
their fathers made them gentlemen before they
were men; making them too soon to know the
great means they are bom to, and too long to be
ignorant of any good quality, whereby to acquire
a maintenance, in case their estates (as all things
are uncertain) should fiiil or forsake them. Hence
it is they are as unable to endure any hardship as
David to march in Saul's armour, {for he had never
proved it ®,) utterly unacquainted therewith.

But your discreet parents, though kind, were not
cockering unto you, whom they sent very young
into the Low Countries, where in some sort you
earned what you eat in no less honourable than
dangerous employment. This hath settled the
sinews of your soul, and compacted the joints
thereof, which in too many hang loose, as rather
tacked than knit together.

Since being returned into England, partly by
your patrimony, partly by your matrimony, an
ancient and fair estate hath accrued unto you ; yet
it hath not grown (as St. Basil fencieth roses in
Paradise before Adam's fall) without thorns and
prickles. Many molestations attended it, through
which you have waded in a good measure ; having
had trials indeed, wherein, on what side soever the
verdict went, you gained patience and experience.

® I Sam. xvii. 39.

• • • V

• k » • V

DEDICATION. 6

Indeed, there is an experience, the mistress of
fools, which they learn by their losses, and those
caused by their own carelessness or wilfiilness in
managing their affairs; but also there is one, the
masterpiece of wise men to attain, wherein they
observe the events of all things, after their utmost
endeavours have submitted the success to Divine
Providence. Yours is of the last and best kind,
whereby you are become a skilful master of defence,
knowing all the advantageous postures and guards
in our laws, not thereby to vex others, but save
yourself from vexation.

Thus having borne the yoke in your youth, you

may the better afford ease and repose to your

reduced age ; and having studied many men in

arms, more in gowns, you now may solace yourself,

and entertain the time with perui^ng of books;

amongst which I humbly request this may have the

favour of your honour's eye, to whom, on a double

motive, it is dedicated : first, because containing the

life of that prince who for his piety may be exem-

plary to all persons of quality ; secondly, because it

was he who conferred the highest (still remaining)

honour on your family, advancing it (formerly very

ancient amongst the barons) to the degree and

dignity of viscounts; wherein that it may long

flourish in plenty and happiness, is the daily prayer

Your Honour's most obliged Servant,

THOMAS FULLER.
b3

[In the reign of Edward VI.» Faller has generally followed sir
John Hayward's Life of that prince ; from him he has admitted
several anecdotes into this book, which rest upon no better
authority than that historian's word ; of whose history, and the
mistakes contained in it, the reader may see a review by Strype
in his Mem. ii. 470. Sir John Hayward*s Life of this prince
was first published in 4to, Lond. 1630; reprinted in i2mo,
Lond. 1636, with an Appendix, containing "The Beginning of
*' the Reign of Queen Elizabeth." The latter is the edition
here used. The book has been several times reprinted ; among
others* by bishop Kennet in his Complete History of England.]

THE

CHURCH HISTORY

BRITAIN.

^ING Henry the Eighth, though dymgA.D.iM7.

' ' excommunicate in the church of Rome, — '-

had, notwithstanding, his obsequieB eo-fijb^!'
lemnly performed at Paris in France, ^^
by the command of Francis the French'™^
king*, presuming so much on his own power and
the pope's patience ; otherwise such courtesy to his
&iend might have cost him a curse to himself. Then
began king Edward, his son, to reign, scarce ten
years old, full of as much worth as the model of his
age could hold. No pen passeth by bim without
pnusing him, though none prusing him to his full
deserts; yea, Sanders himself having the stink of
his ndling tongue over-scented with the fragrant
ointment of this prince's memoiy, though jeering
him for his want of age, which was God's pleasure
and not king Edward's fault, and mocking him for
his religion, (the other's highest honour,) alloweth
him in other respects large commendations.

> OodwJn in Edrardo Sexto, psg.i58E= 191.
b4

The Church ERstory

BOOK vn.

A.D. 1547. 2. No sooner was he come to the crown, but a

'• — 1 peaceable dew refreshed God's inheritance in Elng-

prosM^ land, formerly parched with persecution; and this
tote* ^r* S^^^ angel struck off the fetters from many Peters
England, in prison, preserving those who were appointed to
die; only Thomas Dobbe, fellow of St. John's in
Cambridge, committed to the Compter in Bread
Street, and condemned for speaking against the mass,
died of a natural death, in respect of any public
punishment by law inflicted on him ; but whether or
no any private impression of violence hastened his
end, God alone knoweth. His speedy death pre-
vented the pardon which the lord protector intended
to send him**: Divine Providence so ordering it,
that he should touch, not enter; see, not taste;

^ Fox, Acts &c., II. 65 5 . [He
was committed, not for merely
speaking against the mass, but
for interrupting the service in
St.Paurs Church, when a priest
was employed in elevating the
host 3 "for which cause straight-
*' way he was apprehended by
the mayor, and afterward ac-
cused to the archbishop of
Canterbury, and committed
to the Compter, then in Bread
*' Street ; where he not long
continued* but falling into a
sickness, how or whereupon
I cannot tell, shortly upon
** the same changed this mortal
" life ; whose pardon, notwith-
" standing, was obtained of the
** lord protector, and should
" have been brought him if he
•* had continued.'* Fox, II. 655.
This person was acting contrary
to law ; for, as it will be seen
by the King's Injunctions im-
mediately following, (artt. xzi.
xxiii.) the mass was still allowed

in churches as it was in the last
reign ; and in art. xxvii. of the
same injunctions, all having care
of churches are commanded "to
" instruct and teach in their
" cures that no man ought ob-
" stinately and maliciously to
" break and violate the laudable
•' ceremonies by the king com-^
" manded to be observed, and
" as yet not abrogated" The
administration of the eucharist,
according to the present use of
the church of England, was
appointed on the 1 3th of March,
1548, the parliament having
resolved that such use was most
agreeable " to the first institu-
" tion and use of the primitive
'^ church." See the letters from
the council to the bishops for
that purpose. Fox, II. 659. And
accordingly, on the 6th of April,
a proclamation was made that
the ancient form should be
disused throughout the realm.
Stow, 596.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

behold, not reap benefit on earth of this Beforma-A.D. 1547.
tion. Other confessors which had fled beyond sea, ^ ^^^^'
as John Hooper, Miles Coverdale, &e. S returned
with joy into their country; and all Protestants,
which formerly for fear had dissembled their religion,
now publicly professed the same: of these, arch-
bishop Cranmer was the chiefest ; who, though wil-
lingly he had done no ill, and privately many good
offices for the Protestants, yet his cowardly com-
pliance hitherto with popery, against his conscience,
cannot be excused ; serving the times present in his
practice, and waiting on a future alteration in his
hopes and desires.

3. Edward Semaure, the king's uncle, lately made Commia-
lord protector and duke of Somerset, ordered all m^^^
church and state ^. He, by the king's power, or, if ^th in^^
you please, the king in his protection, took speedy J^^^l^^
order for reformation of religion; and being loth
that the people of the land should live so long in
error and ignorance, till a parliament should be
solemnly summoned, (which for some reasons of state
could not so quickly be called,) in the mean time, by
his own regal power and authority, and the advice
of his wise and honourable council, chose commis-
sioners, and sent them vdth instructions into several

^ Sanders, de Schis. Anglic.
p. 181 = 193.

d [Burnet, II. 8. Strype's
Mem. II. 16. The earl of
Hertford^ who was the eldest
brother of the king's mother,
was proclaimed protector the
ist of February, by an herald
at arms, and sound of trumpet
through the city of London. On
the 1 7th of the same month he
was created duke of Somerset.

(Holinshed,979. Stow, 593-4.)
The letters patent confirming
the protectorship to him^ and
dated 13 th Mardi^ are printed
in Burnet, II. 142. He was to
enjoy this almost unlimited
power, greater, perhaps, than
any subject ever had, till the
king accomplished the age of
eighteen years. See Burnet> II.
35. Stow, ib.]

The Church ERstory

BOOK VII.

A. D. 1547. parts of the kingdom, for the rooting out of super-

'- stition ; the substance whereof (thirty-six in number)

we have here presented « :

The King's Injunctions ^.

i. " That all ecclesiastical persons observe the
" laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped
" power of the bishop of Rome, and confirmation of
" the king's authority and supremacy.

ii. " That, once a quarter at least, they sincerely
« declare the word of God, dissuading their people
" from superstitious fancies of pilgrimages, praying
" to images, &c. ; exhorting them to the works of
" faith, mercy, and charity.

c Qln the beginning of Sep-
tember^ 1547, the protector and
the rest of the council appointed
a royal visitation for furthering
the progress of the Reforma-
tion : thirty commissioners were
thereupon named, who were to
divide the different counties
among themselves. Their names
and circuits are enumerated in
Strype's Cr. 146. Accordingly,
in the month of May. (as Strype
affirms,) royal letters were is-
sued to the archbishops and
bishops to forbear their visita-
tion^ as was usually done in all
royal and archiepiscopal visita-
tions; and in the interim a
Book of Injunctions, of which
an abstract is here given, was
prepared, whereby the king's
visitors should direct their visi-
tation. These were also accom-
panied with a book of articles^
printed at the same time, called
*' Articles to be inquired of in
" the King's Majesty's Visita-

•* tion." These articles were
twice printed in 1547, by Graf-
ton^ and are reprinted in
Strype's Mem. ii. 48. One
thing is not a little remarkable
in this visitation, that being
entirely a civil commission,
without a single bishop among
the number, it should be vested
with power of summoning be-
fore it all bishops^ and examine
them as well as others concern-
ing their lives and doctrines.]

^ [According to Strype, Cr.
146^ the original of these in-
junctions is preserved in Cor-
pus Christi College, Cambridge,
signed by Cranmer and others
of the privy council. They have
been frequently printed, at full
lengthy by Grafton, in 1547 ;
in Fox, 684, ed. ist; in Spar-
row's Collections, ii. p. i ; in
Wilkins, iv. 3 ; in Cranmer's
Works, iv. 327. In many points
they resemble the injunctions
set forth in 1536.]

€6

CENT. xvT. of Britain, 11

iii. *^ That images abused with pilgrimages and a. d. 1547.

*^ offerings thereunto be forthwith taken down and '- — -

" destroyed, and that no more wax candles or tapers

" be burnt before any image ; but only two lights

" upon the high altar before the sacrament shall

" remain still, to signify that Christ is the very light

" of the world.

iv. " That every holy day, when they have no
sermon, the Paternoster, Credo, and Ten Com-
mandments shall be plainly recited in the pulpit
to the parishioners.
V. " That parents and masters bestow their chil-

** dren and servants either to learning or some honest

" occupation.

vi. " That such who, in cases expressed in the

" statute, are absent from their benefices, leave

" learned and expert curates.

vii. " That within three months after this visita-
tion the Bible of the largest volume in English,
and within twelve months Erasmus his Paraphrase
on the Gospel, [in English,] be provided and con-

" veniently placed in the church, for people to read

** therein.

viii. " That no ecclesiastical persons haunt ale-

" houses or taverns, or any place of unlawful

" gaming.

ix. " That they examine such who come to con-

« fession to them in Lent, whether they can recite

" their Creed, Paternoster, and Ten Commandments*?

" in English before they receive the blessed sacra-

'' ment of the altar, or else they ought not to pre-

" sxmie to come to God's board.

g [In the original, '* the articles of their faith."]

12 The Church History book vii.

A. D. 1547. X. ^* That none be admitted to preaoh, except
' " sufficiently licensed*

xi. " That if they have heretofore extolled pil-
" grimages, relics, worshipping of images, &c., they
** now openly recant and reprove the same as a com-
" mon error, groundless in scripture.

xii. " That they detect and present such who are
" letters of the word of God in English, and £a,utors
" of the bishop of Rome his pretended power.

xiii. " That a register-book be carefully kept in
" every parish for weddings, christenings, and burials.

xiv. " That all ecclesiastical persons not resident
" upon their benefices, and able to dispend yearly
" twenty pounds and above, shall, in the presence of
" the churchwardens or some other honest men,
" distribute the fortieth part of their revenues
'' amongst the poor of the parish.

XV. "That every ecclesiastical person shall give
" competent exhibition to so many scholars in one of
" the universities as he hath hundred pounds a year
^ in church promotions.

xvi. " That the fifth part of their benefices be
" bestowed on their mansion-houses or chancels, till
" they be fully repaired.

xvii. " That he readeth these injunctions once a

quarter.

xviii. " That none bound to pay tithes detain them

by colour of duty omitted by their curates, and so
** redoub one wrong with another.

xix. " That no person henceforth shall alter any

&8ting-day that is commanded, or manner of com-
mon prayer or divine service, (otherwise than spe-
" cified in these injunctions,) until otherwise ordered
by the king's authority.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

XX. "That every ecclesiastical person under the a. d. 1547.

" degree of bachelor of divinity shall, within three '• — '-

" months after this visitation, provide of his own the
" New Testament in Latin and English, with Eras-
" mus his Paraphrase thereon ^ ; and that bishops
by themselves, and their officers, shall examine
them how much they have profited in the study of
" holy scripture.

xxi. " That, in the time of high mass, he that
" sayeth or singeth a psalm shaU read the epistle
" and gospel in English, and one chapter in the New
" Testament at matins, and another at evensong [in
" the Old Testament] ; and that when nine lessons
" are to be read in the church, three of them shall
" be omitted with responds ; and at evensong the
responds, with all the memories,
xxii. " That, to prevent in sick persons the damn-
able vice of despair, they shall learn and have

^ [This English translation
of the paraphrase of Erasmus,
undertaken, as it appears, at
the desire and charge of queen
Catherine Parr, (Strype's Mem.
II. 130,) was much objected to
by the Roman Catholics, espe-
cially by Grardiner,the bishop of
Winchester. See his letters to
the protector, in Fox^ II. in init.
This translation was the work
of several hands. The para-
phrase of St. Luke was trans-
lated by Nicholas Udal; St.
Mark by Thomas Key or Cay,
(Wood, Ath. 1.3 99,) afterwards
master of University College,
Oxford ; St. John by the prin-
cess Mary, but she falling sick
from overmuch studv in it, that
part was finished by her chap-
tain. Dr. Mallet. In 1 549, John

Old translated the Canonical
Epistles, with the Epistles of
St. Paul to the Ephesians, Phi-
lippians i. and ii., to the Thes-
salonians i. and ii., to Timothy,
and to Philemon. Leonard Cox
translated the Epistle to Titus
(Wood,Ath. 1. 123.) The Ex.
position on the Revelations was
not written by Erasmus, but by
Leo Jude, in the German lan-
guage, and was translated by
Edmund Allen. The translators
of the rest of the book are not
known . The first edition, which
contained only the Gospel and
Acts, appeared about this time,
1547; the rest came forth in
1549, and a second impression
in 1552. See Strype's Mem.
II. 28—30.]

14 The Church History book vii.

AD. 1547.^' always in readiness such comfortable places and

1 '* sentences of scripture as do set forth the mercy,

" benefits, and goodness of God Almighty towards
" all penitent and believinff persons.

xxiH. " To avoid all conLtion and strife which
« heretofore have risen amongst the king's subjects,
" by challenging of places in procession, no proces-
^^ sion hereafter shall be used about the church or
** churchyard ; but immediately before high mass the
" litany shall be distinctly said or sung in English,
" none departing the church without just cause, and

all ringing of bells (save one) utterly forborne [at
" that time, except one bell, in convenient time, to

be rung or knoUed before the sermon].

xxiv. " That the holy day, at the first beginning

godly instituted and ordained, be wholly given to

God, in hearing the word of God read and taught,
" in private and public prayers, in acknowledging
" their offences to God, and amendment ; in recon-
" ciling themselves to their neighbours, receiving
" the communion, visiting the sick, &c.; only it shall
" be lawful for them, in time of harvest, to labour
** upon holy and festival days, and save that thing
" which God hath sent ; and that scrupulosity to
« abstain from working upon those days doth griev-
" ously offend God.

XXV. "That no curate admit to the communion
" such who are in rancour and malice with their
" neighbours, till such controversies be reconciled.

xxvi. " That every dean, archdeacon, &c., being a
" priest, preach by himself personally twice a year at
" least.

xxvii. " That they instruct their people not ob-
" stinately to violate the ceremonies of the church

C£KT. XVI.

of Britain.

by the king commanded to be observed, and not a. d.
as yet abrogated ; and on the other side, that who- —
soever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the
same to the great peril of his soul's health,
xxviii. " That they take away and destroy all
shrines, covering of shrines, tables, candlesticks,
trindles or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and
other monuments of feigned miracles, so that no
memory of them remain in walls or windows ; ex-
horting their parishioners to do the like in their
several houses ; and that a comely pulpit be pro-
vided in a convenient place K
xxix. " That a strong chest be provided, with a
hole in the upper part thereof, (with three keys
thereunto belonging,) be provided to receive the
charity of people to the poor, and the same at

1547-
.VI.

^ [Unfortunately the parish-
ioners were too ready to re-
move shrines^ &c.» not from
their own houses, but from
the churches into their own
houses ; so that, as our author
expresses it, (book vii. sect. ii.
§. I,) "Private men's halls were
" hung with altar doaths^ their
*' tables and beds covered with
*' copes instead of carpets and
" coverlets. Many drank^ at
" their daily meals, in chalices;
" and no wonder if in propor-
*' tion it came to the sliare of
** their horses to be watered in
'* rich coffins of marble." This
species of plundering was car.
ned to so great an extent, that
a commission was appointed in
the sixth year of this king's
reign^ for taking a survey of
and making an inquisition into
the churches* goods ; with what

effect, may be seen at the same
place of this history; and for
what purpose the reader may
judge from this entry in king
£dward's Journal, June 2,1551:
" It was appointed that I should
** receive the Frenchmen that
" came hither at Westminster,
*' where was made preparation
'* for the purpose, and four
" garnish of new vessels taken
" out of church-stuff, as mitres,
golden missals, and primers
and crosses and reliques of
|Plessay.'* This!] desecration
of things appointed for religious
uses could not fail of producing
very evil effects upon the public
mind; and they who learned to
spurn and think with contempt
of the accidentals of religion,
soon came to despise the essen.
tials also.]

(•

• 16 The Church History book vil

A. D. 1547." convenient times distributed unto them in the
'^''•^'• " presence of the parish.

XXX. " That priests be not bound to go to visit
" women lying in child-bed, except in times of dan-
« gerous sickness ; and not to fetch any corpse,
" except it be brought to the churchyard.

xxxi. " That to avoid the detestable sin of simony,
the seller shall lose his right of patronage for that
time, and the buyer to be deprived and maxie
unable to receive spiritual promotion,
xxxii. ^' That because of the lack of preachers,
curates shall read homilies, which are and shall be
" set forth by the king's authority.

xxxiii. " Whereas many indiscreet persons do un-
^^ charitably contemn and abuse priests, having small
^^ learning : his majesty chargeth his subjects that
" henceforth they be reverently used, for their office
" and ministration sake.

xxxiv. " That all persons not understanding Latin
" shall pray on no other primer but what lately
" was set forth in English by king Henry the Eighth,
" and that such who have knowledge in Latin use
" none other also ; and that all graces before and
" after meat be said in English, and no grammar
" taught in schools but what is set forth by au-
" thority.

xxxv. " That chantry priests teach youth to read
** and write.

xxxvi. " That when any sermon or homily shall
" be had, the prime and hours shall be omitted '^."

^ [Dr. Bulkely^ chaplain to wherein were certain correc-

archbishop Sancroft> and tions, as he supposed^ by Cran-

Strype's friend, possessed a mer himself. The words high

copy of these injunctions^ mtus were changed into the

CENT, XVI.

of Britain,

2%^ jPorwi of bidding the Common Prayers^.

" You shall pray for the whole congregation of A. D. 1547
*' Christ's church, and especially for this church of-!! — 1^
" England and Ireland ; wherein, first, I commend
" to your devout prayers the king's most excellent
majesty, supreme head immediately under God of
the spirituality and temporality of the same
church ; and for queen Katharine dowager ; and
also for my lady Mary and my lady Elizabeth, the
'' king's sisters-

*^ Secondly, you shall pray for the lord protector's
" grace, with all the rest of the king's majesty's
** council ; for all the lords of this realm, and for
" the clergy and the commons of the same ; beseech-
" ing Almighty God to give every of them, in his
degree, grace to use themselves in suchwise as
may be to God's glory, the king's honour, and the
" weal of this realm.

"Thirdly, ye shall pray for all them that be de-.

celebration of the holy commu^
nion; mass and service changed
into God's service ; injunction
xxi. expunged, as also the lat-
ter part of the xxixth ; also
xxxvth and xxxvith were to
be expunged ; and to the form
of bidding prayer is added a
prayer for success of the duke
of Somerset's expedition against
the Scots. Strype's Mem. II.

46.]

1 [For some account of the
forms of bidding prayer, see
Burnet, II. 61. That writer
has printed the form^ such as
it was, used in the time of king
Henry VII. {II. ii. N. 8.) See

FULLER, VOL. IV.

also another form, put out in the
yeari536, (Wilkins, III. 807,)
which is the same as that
adopted by bishop Hilsey in
his Primer of 1539, he having
merely changed the words *' the
" most noble and virtuous lady
'' queen Jane, his most lawful
" wife," into, " for the pros-
" perity of the noble prince
*• Edward his son," p. 329, (ed.
Oxon. 1834.) Ant. Harmer
(Wharton) has also published
another, from a MS. in the
Lambeth Library, in his " Spe-
" cimen of Errors, &c." p. 1 66,
which is reprinted in Collier,
II. App. p. 60.]

18 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 1547." parted out of this world in the faith of Christ, that
' they with us, and we with them, at the day of
judgment, may rest both body and soul, with
^ Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of
" heaven."

Observations on the King's Injunctions.
Thtewis. Let us here admire God's wisdom in our first

dom of our

reformer*, reformers, who proceeded so moderately in a matter
of so great consequence : to reform all at once, had
been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New
wine must be gently poured into old bottles, lest the
strength of the liquor, advantaged with the violence
of the infusion, break the vessel. Jacob could not
keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot, as used
to hunting) whilst he had in his company the tender
children and flocks with young^ which if over-driven
one day^ wovM die ™; And though no doubt he him-
self was foot-man enough to go along with his
brother, yet he did lead on softly^ according as the
cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our
wise reformers reflected discreetly on the infirmities
of people, long nouzled in ignorance and superstition,
and incapable of a sudden and perfect alteration.

Only two On this account, in the third injunction, they
reduced candles (formerly sans number in churches)
to two upon the high altar, before the sacrament :
these being termed lights, shews they were not
lumina cceca^ but burning. Know also that at this
time there was an universal dilapidation of chancels,
and men had seen so many abbey churches plucked
down, that they even left parish churches to fall

"*Gen. xxxiii. 13.

lights left.

{

CENT. x-VT. of Britain* 19

down on themselves: now to repair them all at a. 0.1547.
once would have stopped the holes in the chancels, _1—1

meant by
memories.

and made one in the states of the ministers. It was
therefore in the sixteenth injunction ordered, that a
fifth part of their means should be employed therein,
whereby the work was effectually done without any
great damage to the repairers.

By memories appointed to be omitted, (injunction what
xxi.,) we understand the obsequia for the dead,
which some say succeeded in the place of the (hea-
then) Roman parentalia.

The abolishing processions is politicly put on aGoodpo-
civil account, (injunction xxiii.,) to avoid contention ^'
about places. Indeed people's pride herein consisted
in pretended humility, which the injunction at large
termeth a fond courtesy ; for in a mock practice of
the apostle's precept, in honour preferring one an-
other **, they strained courtesy to go last. Where, by
the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place
which was next the cross-bearer, or next the priest
carrying the host.

QiujB7'e9 whether in the xxivth injunction, labouring
in time of harvest on holy ^ays and festivals relateth
not only to those of ecclesiastical constitution, (as
dedicated to saints,) or be inclusive of the Lord's
day also ^.

Mr. Calvin, in his letter to the lord protebtor p, Mr. Caivin
disUketh the praying for the dead ; and this is one ^^'^

» Rom. xii. 12. do not occur in that letter,
^ [It appears so from the though the subject of the re-
practice at this time. See also mark does, (p. 167,) but in his
The Appeal, &c. ii. §. 135. Col- letter addressed to the English
lier, II. 226. Burnet, II. 59.] exiles at Frankfort. See his
p [Epist. 87, p. 158, ed. Ge- irreverent letter to Coxe, Ep.
nev. 1576, The offensive words 206.]

c 2

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A. D. 154^ of those things which he termed tolerabiles ineptias^

'- englished by some, ** tolerable fooleries;" more mildly

by others, "tolerable imfitnesses." In requital whereof,
bishop Williams was wont to say, that master Calvin
had his tolerabiles morositates X
Moderation And thus moderately did our first reformers begin,
^^^^'^ ^* as the subject they wrote on would give them leave ;
for as careful mothers and nurses, on condition they
can get their children to part with knives, are con-
tented to let them play with rattles, so they per-
mitted ignorant people still to retain some of their
fond and foolish customs, that they might remove
from them the most dangerous and destructive
superstitions.

Come we now to give in a list of such principal

^ [See his letter from Gene-
va to Knox and Whittingham,
the leaders of the dissenting
party at Frankfort ; (Troubles
at Frankfort, p. 35, Calv.Epist.
200.) Calvin nowhere specifies
what are these "tolerable foolish
'* things ;*' and it appears that
he knew nothing of the Book
of Common Prayer, except
from an imperfect abstract of
it sent to him in Latin by John
Knox. It is by no means
unlikely that Calvin still felt
some resentment for Cranmer's
having declined his interfer-
ence in matters of religion;
for in this letter, speaking of
Grindall, Haddon, Sands, and
the rest of the convention at
Strasburg, he says, " Where-
'^ fore I would not have you"
(Knox and the others) *' fierce
*' over them, whose infirmity
f* will not suffer to ascend an
" higher step ; so would I

" advertise other, that they
** please not themselves too
'* much in their foolishnesa
" But I speak in vain to them
** which perchance esteem me
" not so well, as they will
" vouchsafe to admit the coun-
" sel that Cometh from such an
" author." Knox and his party
had sent Calvin a Latin ab-
stract of the Book of Common
Prayer; adding, with some-
thing very like a falsehood,
** that some of their country-
" men went about to force
" them to the same." The
truth was, when this congrega-
tion established themselves at
Frankfort, they immediately
joined the French church, and
adopted their ceremonies ; and
being desirous of some counte-
nance for what they had done,
they wrote to the churches in
Zurich, Strasburg, and the rest,
to come and join them.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 21

books which m the reign of this king and his father, a. d. 1547.

as preparatory to land introductive of reformation ; 1

JJL^l^ high enough, ,e ^ hegm ^th

Henry the Seventh.

" Prayers printed by the Commandements of the
" moost hye and vertuous Princesse our lyege Lady
" Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Quene of England
" and of France, and also of the right hye and moost
" noble Princesse Margarett, mother to our sove-
" raign Lord the King, &c." Without the year
when printed.

Henry the Eighth.

" The Institution of a Christian Man ; contayneng
" the Exposition or Interpretation of the Commune
" Crede, of the Seaven Sacraments, of the Ten Com-
" mandements, and of the Pater Noster, and the
" Ave Maria, Justification and Purgatory." [Landing
in adibiis Thomce Bertheleti^ regii impressorisy an.
M.D.xxxvn. Cum privikgio. 4to. Reprinted at
Oxford m 1825.]

" A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any
*' Christen Man, set ftirthe by the Kynges Majestic
** of England, fee.** [Imprinted at London, in Fleet
Street, by Thomas Barthelet, printer to the king's
highness, the xxix. day of May, the year of our
Lord M.D.XLIII. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum
solum. By a colophon at the end of the book, it
appears that this book was not to be sold above
sixteen pence, bound in paper boards or clasps. Re-
printed at Oxford in 1825.]

" An epistle of the most mighty and redoubted
" Prince Henry the VIII. by the grace of God, king

c 3

22 The €hurch History book vii.

A. D. 1547. *< of England and of France, lord of Ireland, defender

'- — '- " of the faith, and snpreme head of the Church of

" England next under Christ, written to the Elmpe-
" ror's majesty, to all Christian princes, and to all
" those that truly and sincerely profess Christ*s reli-
" gion." Londini in adibm Thom(B Bertheletiy regii
impressoris. Excfus. anno M.D.xxxvin. Cum prim-
hgio. 12mo. [Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany.]

" A Protestation made for the most mighty and
" most redoubted king of England, &c. and his hole
" counsell and clergie, wherein is declared, that nei-
" ther his highnesse, nor his prelates, neyther any
" other prince or prelate is bound to come or send
" to the pretended councell, that Paul bishop of
** Rome, first by a bull indicted at Mantua, a citie
" in Italy, and now alate by another bull, hath pro-
" roged to a place no man can telle where." [Lon-
dini in {edibtis ThomtB Bertheleti^ regii impressoris.
Ea^cus. anno M.D.xxxvni. Cum privilegio. 12mo.]

" Articles devised by the ICinges Highnes Majestic
" to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge
** us, and to avoyde contentious opinions, which
" Articles be also approved by the consent and
" determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme.*'
London: Thomas Berthelet, 1536. [Reprinted at
Oxford in 1825.]

« Injunctions to the Clergie." 1536. M.Sc.
[Printed in Wilkins, III. 813.]

" Articles devised by the hoUe consent of the
" Kinges most honourable Counsayle, His Graces
" licence opteyned thereto, not only to exhorte, but
^* also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the trouth.'*
London : Thomas Berthelet. 1539.

CENT. XVI. of Britain: 28

" Orarium seu libellus Precationum per RedamAP. 1547.

I £d VI

" Majestatem et Clerum Latine editus. Ex officina — -! — 1
'' Richard Graftoni." 1545.

*^ Pia et Catbolica Christiani hominis institutio."
Londini apud Thomam Berthelet, 1544.

" Refonnatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex autho-
** ritate primum Regis Henrici VIII. inchoata, deinde
" per Regem Edwardum VI. provecta adauctaque
" in hunc modum, atque nunc ad pleniorem ipsa-
" rum reformationem in lucem edita ^*' Londini^ ew
officina Johannis Daii, anno salutis humancs 1571,
mense Aprili.

Edward the Siwth,

" Injunctions given by the most excellent prince^
" Edward the Sixt, by the grace of God, king of
" England, France, and Ireland, defender of the
" fayth, and in yearthe under Christ, of the church

of England and of Ireland the supreeme hedde ;

To all and singuler his loving subjects, aswell of

the clergie as of the laietie." [Imprinted at Lon-
don, the last day of July, in the first year of the
reign of our sovereign lord king Edward the VI.,
by Richard Grafton, printer to his most royal majesty.
Anno 1547. Cum privilegio^ &c. 4to *.]

Articles to be enquired of in the Kynges Ma-
jesties visitation.'* By Richard Grafton. Cum
privilegio *.

" The Order of the Communion, with the Procla-

r [This book was reprinted ^[PrintedinWilkins.IV. 11,
at London in 1640, in 4to. An and in Sparrow. Of the pub-
excellent abstract of its con- licationof this book, see Strype^
tents is given by Collier in his Mem. II. 61.]
Eccl. Hist. II. 326. See also * [See note, p. 12.]
below.]

c 4

«
«
«

The Church History

BOOK Til.

A, D. 1547. " mation," [Dated March 8.] London : by Richard
Jiili- Grafton. 1548 «.

** The Booke of the Common Prayer and Admi-
^ nistration of the Sacraments, and other Rites ^nd
" Ceremonies of the Church : after the Use of the
" Church of England *." Londini^ in officina Eduardi
Whitchurche. Cum privihgio ad imprimendum so-
lum. Anno Dom. 1549^ mer^e Junii. FoL

" Communion Book, translated into French for
^Jersey and Gamesey/' 1558.

" The forme and manner of making and conse-
" crating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." 1549 and
1552.

" The Copie of a Letter sent to all those Preachers
** which the Kings Majestic hath licensed to preach,
" from the Lord Protectors Grace, and other of the
** Eanges Majesties most honourable Councell.*' The
23d of May, 1548. [In Wilkins, IV. 27, and in
Burnet, II. App. 130.]

" Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplines sum-
*^ mam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate
** Regia commendatus y." Londin% 1553.

" Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552,
^* ad toUendam opinionum dissensionem et consen-
" sum verae religionis firmandum, inter Episcopos et
** alios erudites atque pios viros convenerat : Regia

^ [Twice printed in 1647.
See note, p. 603.]

^ [Many different editions
of this book were printed be-
tween the years 1549 and
1552, when the Revision was
put out.]

y [Of this Catechism, which
has been attributed to Nowell,

but now is more generally
thought to have been written
by Poinet, successively bishop
of Rochester and Winchester,
see the Prefece to Nowell's Ca-
techism, (Oxford, 1835,) p. 25.
An English translation of it
was printed the same year as
the original Latin.]

CENT. XVI,

of Britain.

** similitjer authoritate promulgati." Londini. [In a. 0.1547.
Wilkins, IV. 78.] j^Ed^

** The Primer or Booke of Prayers," translated ont
of Henry VIII.'s Orarium. London: by Richard
Grafton, 1547.

" Certain Sermons or Homilies, [viz. the first part
" of the Church Homilies,] appointed by the Kinges
" Majestie to be declared and read by all Parsons,
" Vicars, or Curates, everie Sonday, in their churches
" where they have cure.'* Imprinted at London, in
Fleet Street, at the sign of the Lion over against
the Conduit, by Edward Whitchurche, the xxth
day of August, in the year of our Lord 1547. Cum
privilegio^ &c. 4to.

" A Primer or Booke of private Prayer, &c. in the
" 7 yeare of Ed. VI." Ea; qfficina Wilhelmi Seres,

1552.

Queen Mary.

" The Primer in Latin and English, after the use
** of Sarum." London, 1555.

** Edm. Bonners Catechisme, 1555, with Homelies
** composed by H. Pendleton and Jo. Harpesfield."
London, 1555 '.

These are the principal state-books which that
age produced, not mentioning such (as numberless)

' [In imitation of the king's
book, called ** A Necessary
'* Doctrine, &c." Bonner put
forth a book, treating of the
same subjects and in the same
order, with the following title:
•' A Profitable and Necessary
•• Doctrine, with certain Ho-
**' milies adjoined thereunto, set
*' forth by the reverend Father

'* in God, Edmunde Bishop of
*' London, for the Instruction
and Information of the People
living within his Diocese of
** London, and of his Cure and
" Charge. Excusum Londini
'* in sedibus Johannis Cawodi,
Typographi regi» Majesta-
tis." 4to. No date.]

«c

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A. D. 1547. which private persons set forth; only I cannot as

1 ! Lyet recover the lord CromwelPs Catechisme, except

it be concealed under another name, amongst the
books aforementioned.

4. Come we now to the Liturgy, which in the
reign of king Henry the Eighth was said or sung all
in Latin, save only the Creed, Paternoster, and Ten
Commandments, put into English by the king's com-
mand, anno 1536 *. Nine years after, viz. 1545, the
Litany was permitted in English ; and this was the
farthest pace which the Reformation stepped in the
reign of king Henry the Eighth. But under his
son, king Edward the Sixth, a new form of divine
worship was set forth in the vulgar tongue, which
passed a threefold purgation ^.

* [See Cromwell's Injunc-
tions, published that year.
Burnet, Ref. I. p. 452.]

^ [In this Fuller is mistaken,
confounding the Order for the
Administration of the Commu-
nion, which was first put out
in 1547, with the first Com-
mon Prayer Book of 1549.
His error was corrected by
Dr. Heylin, in the Appeal, §.
136, who observes that in the
first parliament of this king
there passed a statute ( i Edw.
VI. c. I .) entitled, " An Act
'* against such as speak against
'* the Sacrament of the Altar,
** and for the Receipt thereof
" in both kinds." *' Upon the
'* coming out whereof, the king
*' being no less desirous," as
Fox relates it, " to have the
*' form of administration of the
" sacrament reduced to the
** right rule of the scriptures
" and first use of the primitive
** church, than he was to esta-

" blish the same by authoritj
" of his own regal acts, ap-
*' pointed certain of the most
" grave and learned bishops to
" assemble together at his cas-
" tie of Windsor, there to
" argue and entreat of this
** matter, and conclude upon
*' and set forth one perfect and
" uniform order, according to
" the rule and use aforesaid,
" which book was printed and
" set out March 8th, 1548,"
(which is 1547 according to
the account of the church of
England.) *' The Liturgy came
** not out till near two years
" after." The two prayer-books
of Edward VI. have been re-
printed lately at Oxford, with
a learned preface by Dr. Card-
well. An account of their com-
pilation, with a breviate of their
contents, will also be found in
Downe's edition of Sparrow's
Rationale, App. p. cl., p. clxxix.,
and p. cxcvii.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

The first Edition of the Liturgy or
Common Prayer ; [rather^ cf the
Communion Service^,']

In the first year of king Edward
the Sixth, it was recommended to
the care of the most grave bishops
and others, (assembled by the king
at his castle at Windsor,) and when
by them completed, set forth in
print, 1 548, with a proclamation in
the king*s name to give authority
thereunto; being also recommended
unto every bishop, by especial let-
ters from the lords of the council c,
to see the same put in execution.
And in the next year a penalty was
imposed by act of parliament on
such who should deprave or n^-
lect the use thereof d.

Persons employed therein g.

1. Thomas Granmer, archbishop
of Canterbury.

2. George Bay, bishop of Chi-
chester.

3. Thomas Goodrich, bishop of
Ely.

4. John Skip, bishop of Here-
ford.

5. Henry Holbeach, bishop of
Lincoln.

6. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Ro-
chester.

7. Thomas Thirlby, bishop of
Westminster.

8. Doctor May, dean of St. PauPs.

9. John Taylor, then dean (after-
wards bishop) of Lincoln [May 10,

10. Doctor Haines, dean of Exeter.

11. Doctor Robertson, afterwards
dean of Durham.

12. Doctor John Redmayne, mas-
ter of Trinity College in Cam-
bridge.

13. Doctor Richard Cox, then
almoner to the king, afterwards
bishop of Ely.

The second Edition
of the Liturgy or
Common Prayer,

Some exceptions
being taken by
Mr. Calvin abroad
and some zealots
at home, at the
former Liturgy,
the book was
brought under a
review, and by a
statute in parlia-
ment e it was ap-
pointed. That it
should be faith-
fully and godly
perused, explained,
and made fully
perfect f:

Persons employed
therein.

We meet not
with their parti-
cular names, but
may probably con-
ceive they were
the same with the
former, for the
main, though
some might l>e
superadded by
royal appoint-
ment.

The third Edition
of the Liturgy or'
Common Prayer,

In the first of
queen Elizabeth,
1559, it was com-
mitted by the
queen to the care
of some learned
men, by whom it
was altered in
some few passages,
and so presented
to the parliament,
and by them re-
ceived and esta-
blished.

Persons employed
therein.

T.MasterAVhite-
head, once chap-
lain to queen Anna
BuUen.

2. Matthew Par-
ker, afterwards
archbishop of Can-
terbury.

3. Edmund Grin-
dall, afterwards
bishop of London.

4. Richard Cox,
afterwards bishop
of Ely.

5.<lamesPilking.
ton, afterwards
bishop of Durham .

6. Doctor May,
dean of St. Paurs,
and master of Tri-
nity College in
Cambridge.

7. Sir Thomas
Smith, principal
secretivry of estate.

8. [Dr. Bill, dean
of Westminster.]

A.D. ij;4>
I Ed.VL

^ [Strype, Mem. II. 83.]

c See the form of them in
Fox, II. 661.

d [Burnet, II. 147.]

e 5 and 6 of Edward the
Sixth, cap. I. [a. D. 1552.]

^ [See above, p. 24. Burnet,
II. 319, 349. Stow, 608.]

& [Strype appears to doubt
of the correctness of this list.
See his Mem. II. 85, 302.]

h [King Edward's Journ.76.]

The Church History

BOOK vn.

A.D. 1547. As for the fourth and last edition of the Latursr,

in the first of king James, 1603, with some small

alterations in the rubric, after the conference at
Hampton Court, thereof (God willing) in due time
hereafter.

5. The book of books still remains : I mean the
Bible itself. Know then that some exceptions being
taken at Tindal's translation, the bishops (then gene-
rally popish) complied so far in a conference with
the desires of king Henry the Eighth \ that on con-
dition the people would give in Tindal's pretended
false translation, they would set forth another, better
agreeing with the original ; and although this took
up some time to effect, (the work being great in
itself, and few workmen as yet masters of the mys-
tery of printing,) yet at last it was accomplished, but
more purely and perfectly done in after ages, bjs by
the ensuing parallels will appear.

The first Translation of the
Bible,

Set forth in the reign of
king Henry the Eighth, anno
1 541, countenanced with a
grave and pious preface of
archbishop Cranmer, and au-
thorized by the king^s procla-
mation, dated May the 6th.
Seconded also with instruc-
tions from the king ^^ to pre-
pare people to receive benefit
the better from so heavenly a
treasure, it was called The
Bible of the greater Volume,
rather commended than com-
manded to people. Few coun-
try parishes could go to the
cost of them, though bishop
Bonner caused six of them to
be chained in the church of
St. PauFsjin convenient places.

The second Transla-
tion of the Bible,

Set forth in the
reign of king Ed-
ward the Sixtib, and
not only suffered to
be read by particular
persons, but ordered
to be read over yearly
in the congr^^tion,
as a principal part of
divine service. Two
several editions I
have seen thereof;
one set forth ]549»
the other 1551, but
neither of Uiem di-
vided into verses.

The third Translation
of the Bible.

Set forth in the
second of queen Eli-
zabeth. The last
translation was again
reviewed by some of
the most learned
bishops, (appointed
thereunto by the
queen's coomussion,)
whence it took the
name of the Bishops*
Bible; and by the
queen's sole com-
mandment reprinted,
and left free and
open to all her well-
affected subjects.

i Set down at large in the ^ Extant in sir Thomas Cot-
Register of arch bishop Warham. ton's library.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

£9

As for the last and best translation of the Bible, a. d. 1547.
in the reign of king James, by a select company of JJ^iZL.
divines employed therein, in due time (by God's
assistance) largely thereof.

6. And now we shall come to small game, rather
than shut out ; not caring how low we descend, so
be it we may satisfy the reader and inform posterity,
presenting a catalogue of such proclamations which
the king set forth in the four first years, having any
tendency or relation to ecclesiastical matters \
i. *' A Proclamation concerning the effectuall pay-
ment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Aug-
mentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c.,*' which
it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1 Edvardi
Sea^ti, Septem. 18.

ii. " A Proclamation concerning the irreverent
" Talkers of the Sacrament ^ ;" for, after the Tran-

' [All these proclamations,
with the rest passed in the first
four years of this reign, were
published by "Richard Grafton,
* • printer to the king's majesty/'
in 1550. i2mo. Cum privilegio
ad imprimendum solum. These
here printed are corrected from
a copy of that book in the
library of Queen's College, Ox-
ford. I mention this, as Bur-
net doubts the authenticity of
the 6th, and certainly never
saw, as neither did Strype, the
5th. Burnet, II. 167.]

m [Printed at length in Wil-
kins, IV. 18. Strype's Mem.
II. 14, App. This was in con-
formity with an act passed at
this time touching the commu-
nion ; i)i the preamble to which
it is stated that the holy sacra-
ment *' having been of late mar-

" vellously abused, some had
" been thereby brought to a
" contempt of it, which they
'* had expressed in sermons,
** discourses, and songs, in
*' words not Jit to be repeated"
See Burnet, II. 84. Authentic
Coll. of the Stat. IV. ii. p. 2.
This was a most seasonable en-
actment ; for the disputes upon
this holy subject, even among
divines, were extremely irre-
verent, and had degenerated
almost into profanity: for
many, as the proclamation it-
self expresses it, " not con-
'* tented with such words and
" terms as scripture doth de-
" clare thereof, do not cease to
" move contentious and super-
" fluous questions of the said
" holy sacrament and supper of
'* the Lord ; entering rashly

The Church History

BOO¥ VII.

A. D. 1547. substantiation and the superstition of the Corpo-

'- — - rail Presence was removed, many persons (no lesse

ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to con-
temning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by
this Proclamation. Set forth 1 Edvardi Sewti,
Decem. 27.

'' into the discussing of the
" high mystery thereof, and go
" about in their sermons or
'' talks arrogantly to define
•' the manner, nature, fashion,
" ways, possibility or impos-
'* sibility of those matters,
^' which neither make to edifi-
** cation, nor God hath by his
'* holy word opened." It then
proceeds to detail what some
of those questions were ; as,
" Whether the body and blood
" aforesaid is there really or
•* figuratively, locally or cir-
" cumscriptly, and having quan-
" tity and greatness, or but
'* substantially and by substance
** only, or else but in a figure

and manner of speaking;

whether his blessed body be
" there, head, legs, arms, toes
** and nails, or any other ways,
*' shape, and manner, naked or
" clothed ; whether he is broken
*' or chewed, or he is always

•* whole ; whether the bread
** there remaineth as we see,
*' or how it departeth ; whether
'^ the flesh be there alone and
** the blood, or part or each in
'* other, or in the one both, in
'* the other but only blood, and
" what blood ; that only which
*' did flow out of the side, or
" that which remained : with
•^ other such irreverent, super-
'* fluous, and curious questions,
** which of human and corrupt

" curiosity hath desire to search
'* out such mysteries, to the
'^ which our human imbecility
'* cannot attain ; and therefore
'^ ofttimes tumeth the same
" to their own and others* de-
" struction by contention and
" arrogant rashness." Some of
the questions were of much
more irreverent a nature than
here mentioned, as may be seen
in many places in Fox, and in
Strype, Mem. II. 69^ 80 ; and
these were the engrossing ob-
jects of discussion, not merely
in churches, but in markets
and alehouses : religious sub-
jects supplying that excitement
which politics did afterwards,
and, like all religious excite-
ment, rapidly sinking into irre-
ligion and infidelity.

Indeed it may reasonably be
doubted if there is any era in
our history when there was less
real religious feeling than at
this time. If the superstition
of the previous times was bad,
the irreverence of these was
not a whit better. '• There
*' ben some," says archbishop
Craumer in the preface to his
Bible, using the words of Gre-
gory of Nazianzen in applica-
tion to his own times, " whose
** not only ears and tongues,
*^ but also their fists, keen
" whetted and ready bent all
'* to contention and unprofit-

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

iii, " A Proclamation for the abstaining: from flesh a. d. 1547.

f VA VT

"in the Lent- time. Anno 1 Edvardi SeMu Ja- '. L

« nuarii 16 °."

iv. " A Proclamation against such as innovate any
" Ceremony, or preach without licence. Anno 2
" Edvardi SeMi, Febr. 6 «."

V. " A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers. Anno
" 2 Edvardi Sexti^ April 24." Whereof this was
the occasion : certain popish preachers, disaffected
to the king's government, endeavoured in their
sermons to possess people of scandalous reports
against the king, as if he intended to lay strange
exactions on the people, and to demand half-a-crown
a-piece of every one who should be married, chris-
tened, or buried. To prevent further mischief, the
king ordered by proclamation, that none should
preach except licensed under the seals of the lord
protector or archbishop of Canterbury p.

vi. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all
" Preachers : the second of Edward the Sixth.
'^ Sept. 23."

Because this proclamation is short, hard to be

** able disputation ; whom I
** would wish, as they been
" vehement and earnest to rea-
" son the matter with tongue,
" so they were also ready and
" practice to do good deeds.
But forasmuch as they, sub-
verting the order of all god-
liness, have respect only to
this thing, how they may
bind and loose subtle ques-
tions ; so that now every
*' market-place, every alehouse
" and tavern, every feast-house,
'* briefly every company of

((

" men, every assembly of wo-
•• men, is filled with such talk."
'* Our faith and holy religion
" of Christ beginneth to wax
** nothing else but as it were a
" sophistry or talking craft."
Cranmer's Remains, II. 113.]

n [At length in Wilkins, IV.
20 ; and in Strype's Mem. II.
82, and App. 44.]

o [At length in Wilkins, IV.
21. Burnet, II. 185. Strype,
Mem. II. App. 46.]

P [See a short abstract of it
in Strype, Mem. II. 90.]

32 The Church History book tii.

A.D. 1548. come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to

'• — l acquaint us with the character of those times, it may

be acceptable here to exemplify the same :

" Whereas of late, by reason of certaine contro-
" versions and seditious preachers, the kinges majes-
" tie, moved of tender zeale and love, which he hath
" to the quiet of his subjects, by the advise of the
lord protectour, and other his highnesse councell,
hath by proclamation inhibited and commanded,
** That no manner of person, except such as was
" licenced by his highnesse the lord protectour, or
" by the archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon
** him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in
^^ the said proclamation contained ; and that upon
'* hope and esperance, that those being chosen and
" elect men, should preach and set forth onely to the
" people such things as should be to Gods honour
^^ and the benefit of the kinges majesties subjects.
" Yet neverthelesse his highnesse is advertised, that
" certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not
" regarding such good admonitions as hath been by
" the said lord protectour and the rest of the coun-
" cell on his majesties behalf by letters, or otherwise
" given imto them, hath abused the said authority of
" preaching, and behaved themselves irreverently,
" and without good order in the said preachings,
" contrary to such good instructions and advertise-
" ments as was given unto them, whereby much
" contention and disorder might rise and insue in
" this his majesties realm : wherefore his highnesse,
" minding to see very shortly one uniforme order
" throughout this his realm, and to put an end of
" all controversies in religion, so farre as God shall
" give grace, (for which cause, at this time, certain

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 33

'' bishops and notable learned men b; his highne8seA.D.i548.

" commandement are congregate,) hath by th' advise ^

*^ aforesaid thought good, although certain and many

" of the said preachers so before licenced have be-

" haved themself very discretly and wisely, and to

^^ the honor of God and his highnesse contentation,

^^ yet at this present, and imtill such time that the

" said order shall be set forth generally throughout

^' this his majesties realme, to inhibit, and by these

" presents doth Inhibit generally, as well the said

" preachers so before licenced, as all manner of per-

^ sons, whosoever they be, to preach in open audience

" in the pulpit or otherwise, by any sought colour or

** fraud, to the disobeying of this commandement, to

" the intent that the whole clergie in this mean

" space might apply themself to prayer to Almighty

" God, for the better atchieving of the same most

" godly intent and purpose, not doubting but that

" also his loving subjects in the mean time will

" occupie themself to Gods honour, with due

" prayer in the church, and patient hearing of the

*^ godly homelies, heretofore set forth by his high-

*^ nesse injunctions unto them, and so endevour

" themself, that they may be the more ready with

" thankefull obedience to receive a most quiet, godly,

*^ and uniform order, to be had throughout all his

" said realms and dominions. And therefore hath

"willed all his loving officers and ministers, as well

"justices of peace, as majors, sheriffs, bailiffs, con-

" stables, or any other his officers, of what estate,

" degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant

" upon this proclamation and commandement, and

"to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be

" imprisoned ; and his highnesse, or the lord pro-

FULLEB, VOL. IV. D

The Church History

BOOIC VII.

A panic

likmceof

pulpits.

A. D. 1548." tectors grace, or his majesties counceU, to be oer-

'• — L" tified thereof immediately, as they tender his

" majesties pleasure, and will answer to the contraiy
" at their perill."

16. Some preachers, perusing the aforesaid pro-
clamation, will complain of persecution, that all the
pulpits in England should he universally silenced at
once, and will conclude it summum JuSy That ike
righteom should be condemned with the wicked ; the
mouths of good ministers stopped with railers. Well
might the souls of weak Christians be faint and
feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold homilies
allowed them. But statesmen easily excuse the
matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when
many popish pulpits sounded the alarum to Kett his
rebellion and the Devonshire commotion, whereof
hereafter. Besides, this prohibition of preaching
lasted but for few weeks ; and we read of a silence
for about the space of half an hour ^ even in heaven
itself.

Q Rev. viii. i.

r [The object of this prohi-
bition was to appease in some
degree the feverish excitement
of the nation, now raised to a
great height by the contro-
versies they heard so variously
agitated in the pulpits, and to
encourage such as favoured the
Reformation, who easily ob-
tained licenses to preach. For
this purpose also it was required
that no bishops should preach
elsewhere than in their cathe-
drals ; " and that all other cler-
gymen should not preach but
in their collegiate or paro-
chial churches, unless they
^' obtained a special license

t£

** from the king to that effect"
Burnet, II. 53, 125. See also
the letter sent by the council
to such as had licenses to
preach. Burnet, II. ii. 1 89. Wil-
kins, iv. 27. The reader will
smile at the epithet here ap*
plied to the homilies of the I
church of England, which,
compared with the overheated
political tirades of the timei
(for sermons they were not,)
would doubtless appear odd
and formal. They were fflifa
disrelished by the extremes d
all parties, though highly e8>
teemed by Bucer, Ridley, and
others. See Strype's Mem. II
3'.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

vii. " A Proclamation for the payment of the late a. d. 1548.

t EH VT

" incumbents of CoUedges and Chanteries, lately dis '• — '-

" solved. Anno 2 Edvardi Sexti^ Octob. 31."

17. The pulpit thus shut and silent by proclama- a procia-
tion, the stage was the more open and vocal for the ll^nsi
same; the popish priests, which, though unseen, ^'^^"P^y^
stood behind the hanging, or lurked in the tiring
house, removed their invectives from sermons to
plays, and a more proper place indeed for the venting
thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the new
religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the
prime patrons thereof, which caused the ensuing
proclamation for the prohibition *.

viii. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of
" Players. Anno 3 Edvardi F/." Aug. 6. And
some perchance will not grudge the time to read
the form thereof:

" Forasmuch as a great number of those that be
" common players of enterludes and plaies, as well

8 QBishop Gardiner^ in his
letters to the protector, makes
great complaints against the
players. See Fox, II. 716, and
Tytler's Collection, I. 21, in
which he complains that while
he and the parishioners of his
parish in the borough of South-
wark had resolved on having a
solemn dirge for the king, who
was as yet unburied, certain
players belonging to lord Ox-
ford had on that agreed to open
their theatre. So that it is
probable that the stage was
directed, not against the Re-
formation, but against popery.
Indeed this is still more clear
from the complaints of many
zealous reformers, and the au-

thor of the treatise, " A Con-
•' futation of unwritten Veri-
** ties/' published among Cran-
mer's Remains. Comparing the
different states of the gospel
under Edward VI. and queen
Mary, in whose reign he wrote,
he observes : " God's word at that
" time (in Edward's reign) had
" the prize and bare the bell
** away throughout the whole
" land. With that were all
" pulpits filled, churches gar-
" nished, printers' shops fur-
" nished, and every man's house
** decked. With God's word
" was every man's mouth occu-
" pied ; of that were all songs,
" interludes, and plains made J*
Cranmer's Remains, IV. 152.]

D 2

36 The Church History book vii.

A.D. i549.« witliin the city of London as elswhere, within the

" realm, doe for the most part play such interludes

^^ as contain matter tending to sedition, and con-
" temning of sundry good orders and laws ; where-
" upon are grown, and daily are like to grow and
^ ensue, much disquiet, division, tumults, and uprores
*^ in this realm : the kings majestie, by the advise
" and consent of his dear€ist uncle, Edward duke of
" Somerset, govemour of his person, and protectour
*' of his realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest
" of his highnesse privie councell, straitly chargeth
*' and commandeth all and every his majesties sub-
" jects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be,
" that from the ninth day of this present month of
" August, untill the feast of All Saints next com-
" ming, they, nor any of them, openly or secretly
" play in the English tongue any kinde of interlude,
" play, dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form
" of play, in any place, publick or private, within this
** realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in
" English any such play, interlude, dialogue, or other
" matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further pu-
" nishment, at the pleasure of his majestie.

" For the better execution whereof, his majesty,
** by the said advise and consent, straitly chargetii
" and commandeth all and singular majors, sheriffi,
" bailiffs, constables, headboroughs, tything-men, jus-
" tices of peace, and all other his majesties head
" officers, in all the parts throughout the realm, to
" give order and speciall heed, that this proclama*
^* tion be in all behalfs well and truly kept and
" observed, as they and every of them tender hi
" highnesse pleasure, and will avoid his indignation.

CENT. XVI. ofBrUain. 37

18. The proclamation, being but temporary, didA.D. i549«

not take down, but only clear the stage for a time ; '- — -

reformed interludes, as they term them, being after-
ward permitted ; yea, in the first of queen Elizabeth,
scripture-plays were acted even in the church itself,
which in my opinion the more pious the more pro-
fane ; stooping faith to fancy, and abating the ma-
jesty of God's word. Such pageants might inform,
not edify, though indulged the ignorance of that
age ; for, though children may be played into learn-
ing, all must be wrought into religion by ordinances
of divine institutions, and the means ought to be as
serious as the end is secret.

" Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem.
" Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex
" certa scientia et mero motu nostris dedimus et
*' concessimus ac per prsesentes damns et concedimus
" dilecto servienti nostro Thomse Bartlielet impres-
*' son nostro quandam annuitatem sive quondam
" annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum,
" habendum et annuatim percipiendum praedictam
** annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor libra-
** rum eidem Thomse Barthelet a Festo Paschae,
Anno Regni nostri vicesimo prime, durante vita
sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii
nostri per manus Thesaurarum et Camerarii nos-
" trorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa
Sancti Michaelis Archangeli et Paschae per equales
portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c.
" In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westmin-
steriensem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno
" Regni Henrici Octavi vicesimo prime.

" Per Breve de private Sigillo."
v3

66
66

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A. D. 1549. 19. An ample commission was granted to John
-i ^Dudley, earl of Warwick*, and eight more; any

Sr^**"*!*- ^^^^y s^^» fi^^^j iowy three, two, or one of them, to
formed of yisit in capite et memhris the whole diocese, but

all its an-

dent ma. especially the university of Oxford. The eflFects of
nuscnp ^j^.^ visitation do not appear, save only that they so
clearly purged the university from all monuments of
superstition, that they left not one book of many
goodly manuscripts wherewith it was furnished by
the mimificence of several benefactors. Thus covet-
ousness and ambition are such active vices, they
are seldom off the theatre, though not appearing
"dth their own faces, but the borrowed masks of
public good of church or state. Such robbers de-
serve not the benefit of the clergy, to be saved by
their book, who feloniously (not to say sacrilegiously)
purloined a public library from an university.

20. The blame is commonly cast on doctor Coxe,
who, as one saith, (but it is but one who saith it,)
being then chancellor of the university, so cancelled

Loth to
believe.

s [This earl was the son of
the celebrated Edmund Dudley,
who, like Cromwell^ having lent
himself as a willing instrument
to royal extortion, met with the
due reward of a corrupt minis-
ter, losing his head at the bid-
ding of the king. His attain-
der, however, having been re-
versed in 1 5 1 1 , his son (created
afterwards earl of Northumber-
land) succeeded to his father's
estate, and with it his father's
disposition. Inspired with the
zeal of reformation^ and warmed
with disinterested affection to-
wards the welfare of the church,
he took the most effectual means

to purge it of both property and
corruption ; and feelingly alive
to the temptation of riches^ and
the vices which they engender,
relieved the church of both, by
taking both into his own safie
keeping. In this only lie was
unhappy, that whilst he set
others so notable an example,
with all the inclination, he left
them not the means to follow
him. We may thus understand
the motives which made him
" so frequent, incessant, and
•* importunate/* as Mr. Tytler
describes him, in his applica
tions to the protector and to
the secretary of state."]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

the books thereof, they could never since recover a. d. 1549.

them *. Indeed I find another author chargmg him 1 L-1

therewith ^, but with this parenthesis (" *tis said*') ;
and my charity would fain believe fame a fiilse report
therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person,
very well qualified ; and it is strange to me, that he
who at this present was the king's almoner, to dis-
pense his charity in giving to others, should be so
crael and covetous, and to deprive an university of
so precious a treasure so long and justly belonging
unto them.

21. The king's afiairs, both ecclesiastical and civil, An «>ide.
stood now in a probable posture of success, gliding temper of
on with a fair and fiill current; when both on a ^^'
sudden were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical
dissensions of his own subjects : distempers not con-
siderable, if singly considered in themselves, but
very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in
several counties at one instant were acted with the
same spirit of rebellion. My author imputeth it to
Midsummer-moon, and the sun now in Cancer;
though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause^ as
will appear to the perusers of these two contempo-
rary treasons.

^ Sir John Harrington, in
the list of the bishops of Ely.
[Works, ii. 1x0.]

" In his preface to the Life
of sir John Cheke> printed at
Oxford, at the beginning of
sir John Cheke's " True Sub-
"ject to the RebeV 164 1.

The- preface and the Life of
sir J. Cheke, prefixed to this
pamphlet, are stated to have
been written by the celebrated
Dr. Gerard Langbaine» provost
of Queen's College, Oxford.
See Wood's Ath. II. 220.]

D 4

Tlie Church History

BOOIL TIL

A. D. 1549.
3 Ed. VI.

Devon Commotion ^.

I. It began on Whitsun-

The b^. Monday, at Stampford-Court-
nmg of two •' *

rebdUions.

» [The most correct accoant
of the rebellion in Devonshire
is that by John Hooker, cham-
berlain of Exeter, vi^ho was, as
he describes himself, " testis
'* oculatus of things there
** done.'* This account is closely
followed and abbreviated by
Fuller, and is printed at length
in Holinshed, 1014.]

7 [Of the commotions in
Norfolk a full and accurate
description was penned in La-
tin, at the desire of archbishop
Parker, by Alexander Neville,
at one time an inmate of the
archbishop's house. The writer,
as well as his patron, was a
native of Norwich, and proba-
bly an eyemtness of thf facts
which he narrates. This book
was first published in 1575, the
same year in which the arch,
bishop died, and again in 1582,
on account of the elegance of
its Latinity, with a view to its
being used as a schooLbook.
The dedication to the arch-
bishop, and the lines on his
death, prefixed to this work by
the author, have been reprint-
ed, though very incorrectly, by
Strype in his Life of Parker,
499, 502, App. 193. Of this
work an almost literal version,
but somewhat epitomized, is
given by Holinshed, 1028.

The direct occasion of these
troubles, which were near being
general throughout England,
took its origin from the land-
lords converting large portions

Norfolk RebeUion 7.

I. It b^an about the aotk
of June, at Atilboroagh, about

of their arable lands into pas-
turage, throwing together the
small farms, raising the rents
of such as remained^ and en-
closing the public lands. This
was carried to such an alarm-
ing extent, and had given rise
to so much clamour and dis-
order, that upon the ist June,
1548, a commission was 1^
pointed to inquire into thcie
grievances, and a prodamatioo
issued at the same time that
all his majesty's loTing sabj^ets
should give notice where soeii
offences existed to the commis.
sioners. (See them exemplified
in Strype's Mem. II. 92, App.
47.) But by the influence luu
arts of those against whom this
commission was directed, its
efforts were frustrated, and the
proclamation neglected. Upon
which, *' the unadvised people,
" presuming upon this prochu
" mation, thinking they should
" be borne out by theih thst
" had set it forth, rashly with-
" out order took upon them
*' to redress the matter.'* Ho-
linshed, 1002. And particu-
larly the disaffected in Norfolk,
who had emissaries in sevend
counties, hearing upon some
uncertain rumour that the en-
closures in Kent had been re-
moved, and imagining that the
same justice was denied to
them, rose at Wymondham, a
village about nine miles from
Norwich, and compelled Kett,
who had himself enclosed oer.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

ney ^^ where the people tumul.
tuously compelled the priest
(whose secret compliance is
suspected by some covertly to
court their compulsion) to say
mass^ and officiate in Latin, as
best pleased with what they
least understood.

2. Humphrey Arundell, es-
quire, governor of the Mount
in Cornwall, (one whose abili-
ties might have been better
employed,) Winslande, a man
of worship^ and one Coffin, a
gentleman, were their principal
conductors. Otherwise (though
assuming to themselves the
high style of the commons of
Devonshire and Cornwall) they
were but a heap of mean me*-
chanics, though many in num-
ber, and daily increasing; so
that at last they were reputed
to exceed ten thousand, all
stout and able persons.

3. Sir Pierce Courtenay, she-
riff of Devonshire, appeared
very loyal and active for their
seasonable suppressing ; but
others of the county gentry.

the laying open of Commons, A. D. i«;49.
pretended lately enclosed tn
the prejudice of the poor ; much
increased on the 6th of July at
Windham Play, where there
was a great confluence of idle
people repairing from all parts
of the county.

2. Robert Kett, tanner of Their ring-
Windham, (one of more wealth numbS-."*
than common folk of his craft,

yet of more wit than wealth,
confidence than either,) was
chosen their captain. He, with
two assistants chosen out of
every hundred, kept his king's
bench, chancery, and all other
courts under a tree, termed
the Oak of Reformation ; where
he did justice, be it wrong or
right, to all such as were sum.
moned before him. In short
time they increased to be more
than twenty thousand.

3. Sir Edmund Windham, The she-
sheriff of Norfolk, commanded ^'« «""

. deavours

them in the king's name peace- succeed not.
ably to depart; but had not
his horsemanship been better

tain of the public lands, to
throw down his enclosures and
join them. This man, possessed
of a bold spirit, and being of
great courage and conduct,
would have graced a better
cause, and prevented his fol-
lowers from committing many
cruelties. Stow describes him
as " one who might dispend in
" lands fifty pound by year,

'* and was worth in movables
** about a thousand marks,"

(5970 ^ ^*^g® fortune for those
days. For a fuller account of
these tumults, of their origin,
and what was done to suppress
them, see Burnet, II. 234.
Strype's Mem. II. 166, 174.]

z [About sixteen miles from
Exeter.]

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A.D. 1549.
3 Ed. VI.

The de-
scription of
Exeter and
Norwich.

The rebels
send proud
demands to
the king.

(whose names I had rather the
reader should learn from mj
author's pen than mine own^)
by their privy connivance, and
in effect concurrence, much
advantaged their proceedings.
Many were taken prisoners by
them, because they would be
taken, and found favour there-
upon. And now the seditious
march in a full body to Exeter;
and on the citizens' refusal to
admit them in, resolve suddenly
to besiege it, boasting they
would shortly measure the silks
and satins therein by the length
of their bows.

4. Exeter is a round city on
a rising hill, most capable of
fortification both for the site
and form thereof. Her walls
(though of the .old edition)
were competently strong and
well repaired. John Blackaller,
major of Exeter, though a mere
merchant, little skilled in poli-
tic, less in military affairs, had
wisdom to know who were
wiser than himself, and wil-
lingly to be directed by them.
And now the seditious, having
taken the ordinance at Tops-
ham, set down before Exeter,
presuming quickly to conquer
the same.

5. But first they are con-
sulting about articles to be

than his rhetoric, lumaelf had
not departed the place. Yea,
now the rebels began to play
their pranks, threatening to
burn the house, and defacing
the dovecot, (formerly a chapel,
before it was turned of an house
of prayer into a den of thieves,)
of master Corbets ' of Sprow-
ston, and, committing many
outrages, laid all pastures ra-
ther waste than open where
they came. Yea, now they
march towards Norwich, the
chief place in the county.

4. Norwich is like a great
volume with a bad cover^ hav.
ing at best but parchment vpaUs
about it ; nor can it with mud
cost and time be effectually
fortified, because under the
frowning brow of Mousehold
Hill^ hanging over it. The
river Yere so wanton, that it
knoweth not its own mind
which way to go, such the
involved flexures thereof with-
in a mile of this city, runneth
partly by, partly through it,
but contributeth very little to
the strengthening thereof.

5. The rebels encamped, or
rather enkennelled themselves

z [This very ancient family Sprowston is a village about
still remains in Norwich, three miles from that city.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

sent to the king. Some would
have no justices, (can you
blame offenders if desiring to
destroy- their enemies?) others
no gentlemen, all no English
service; mass must he restored^
the six articles (lately repealed)
they would have put in exe-
cution^ and popery re-esta-
blished ^. Concluding all with
this close, (the gilded paper to
wrap up poisonous treasons, at
the heginning thereof,) "We
" pray God save king Edward,
'' for we be his, both body and
" goods c." Whose unreason-
able demands were justly re-
jected by the king, yet pardon
proclaimed to such as would
accept thereof; which the se-
ditious, mistaking the king's
&your to be his fear, utterly
refused.

6. Meantime Exeter was not
so much frighted with her foes
without, as 'with famine and
Miction within the walls thereof.

on Mousehold Hill, (whereon A. D. 1549.
Mount Surrey, a fair house of _£___
the dukes of Norfolk,) whence
they had free egress and regress
into Norwich as oft as they
pleased ». One [Thomas] Con-
yers, a vicar in the city, they
had for their chaplain ; and
were so religiously rebellious,
that prayers morning and even,
ing were read amongst them.
Meantime, so intolerable was
their insolence, that now they
sent up such demands to the
king, to which he neither would
in honour nor could in justice
condescends Yet the king con-
stantly chequered his commina-
tions with proclamations of par-
don, which the rebels scorned
to accept.

6. As for Thomas Codd d, Exeter re-
major of Norwich, and others jJor^h
of the gentry, detained prison- yieldeth to

ers in Rett's camp, they were

the rebels.

^ [Their first intention was
to have encamped at Eton, a
hamlet of Norwich, at that
time covered with a hill ; but
not finding it suitable to their
purpose, they took post on
Mousehold, on a hill called St.
James, which commands the
river and the city; the walls
of Rett's Castle, as it is called,
remaining to this day ; and his
cave, close adjoining. After
this, they seized on St. Leo-
nard's Hill, opposite to Nor-
wich, where stood the house of

the earl of Surrey, at the bot«
tom of which flows the river ;
the village of Thorpe stretching
to the south-west, and Mouse-
hold to the north-east. These
parts were at that time much
covered with wood, but are at
this day greatly altered.]

b [Printed in Fox, II. 666,
and in Strype's Cran. p. 186,
and N. XL. with the arch-
bishop's answer to them.]

c [Fox, ib.]

^ [This family still remains
in those parts.]

The Church History

"BOOK, VII.

A. D. 1549. Great was the want of victuals,
3 Ed.VI. j^jjd bread especially. Now,

Plebs nescit jejuna Hmere.

Where there is the barking of
the belly, there no other com-
mands will be heard^ much less
obeyed. But this was in some
sort qualified by proportioning
all provisions in the city to all
alike ; and mean folk will be
the better pleased with coarse
and short diet when eating out
of t£e same dish with their
betters. Wlien in successful
sallies they recovered any cattle
from the rebels, the poor had
the principal share thereof.

7. Faction in the city was of
most dangerous consequence,
the generality thereof favour-
ing popery, and cordial pro.
testants but few in comparison
of the other party. However,

admitted to the councils of tlie
rebels, for the better credit
thereof*. If Kett were pre-
sent, thev were no better thn
herb John in the pottage, and
had no influence on their cos.
sultations ; but if he bappilj
chanced to be absent^ then tJiej
were like St. John's wort, (so
sovereign for sores, and agaiitft
the plague itself,) and did
much mitigate the fury of their
mischievous decrees. Mean-
time great plenty was in Ketti
camp, (where a fat sheep mi
sold for a groat,) but pemnj
and misery in all otkr
places ^

7. Dr. Matthew Parker,
(afterwards archbishop of Co*
terbury,) getting up into tb
Oak of Reformation, preacheil
to the rebels of their duty ui
allegiance er ; but the oak fl

e ^They endeavoured to
make Thomas Codd, Robert
Watson, and Thomas Aldrich,
of Mangreen Hall, partners in
their conspiracy ; but they, re-
fusing, were detained and com-
pelled to be present at all
Ketts's councils. The latter
especially, from his high cha-
racter for probity and modera-
tion, possessed great influence
with the rebels.]

^ [The rebels, who had in-
creased in Rett's camp to the
number of six thousand^ finding
that some of their members
secretly appropriated the plun-
der and concealed it in caves>

informed Kett and their gO'l
vernors of it. To remedy \m
evil they built a kind of stagel
about an old oak which am
near their camp, upon whidl
Kett sat and dispensed ju^l
ment, and decided in sool
causes as were brought
him. This oak they called «
'* oak of reformation." Frc
this place he frequently 1*1
rangued his followers ;
some of the clergy o£
neighbourhood, whom they]
compelled to join them, pr<
to them from it.]

ff [Neville, 20. Strvpe'i
Park. 26.] ^^

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

this was a good help to the
protestants, that such who se-
vered from them in the church
joined with them in the town-
house. Rich papists feared
their goods would be con-
demned as heretical, even by
the rebels of their own religion,
which made them persist in
their loyalty to their sove-
reign.

8. John Russell^, lord privy
seal, was sent down with small
forces to suppress the commo-
tion ; a person very proper for
that service, as of a stout
spirit, and richly landed in this
county. He stayed some time
at Honiton, in vain expecting
promised supplies, either be-
cause this lord was looked on
as of the protector's party,
whose court interest did much
decline, or because Norfolk
rebellion, as nearer London,
engrossed all warlike provi-
sions. Thus was this lord in
deep distress, having nothing
(save his commission) strong
about him ; and his few forces,
for fear and want of pay, began
daily to forsake him.

9. And now, follovnng the
advice of the Dorsetshire gen-
try, he was ready to return,
when three princely merchants,
(for so may I term them, both

soon as the auditory would A. D. 1549.
embrace his doctrine : yea, his ^
life was likely to be ended be-
fore his sermon, (arrows being
shot at him,) had not Conyers,
Kett's chaplain, seasonably yet
abruptly set the Te Deum;
during the singing whereof the
doctor withdrew to sing his
part at home, and thank God
for his great deliverance.

8. William Parr, marquis of Aid sent to
Northampton, but more ac- jj^g^^^j^jg
quainted with the witty than

the warlike part of Pallas, (as
complete in music, poetry, and
courtship,) with many persons
of honour, as the lords [John]
Sheffield and [Thomas] Went-
worth, sir Anthony Denny, sir
Ralph Sadlier, sir Thomas Pas-
ton^ &c., is sent to quell this
rebellion, with 1 500 men. They
were assisted vnth a band of
Italians, under Malatesta their
captain ; whereof the rebels
made this advantage to fill the
country with complaints that
these were but an handful of
an armful to follow driving on
the design, to subject England
to the insolence of foreigners.

9. Now, though neither wis- The lord

dom nor valour was wanting in ^"^*^

® conqueror.

the king's soldiers, yet success Lord mar-
failed them, being too few to ^"" T"

° quered.

defend Norwich and oppose

l> [See his account of his his own letter to the council,
proceedings in this rebellion, in Strype's Mem. II. App. 103.]

The Church History

BOOS VII.

A.D. 1549.
3 Ed. VI.

The lord
Grey and
earl of
Warwick
come with
new sup-
plies.

for great interest and loyal in-
tentionSj) viz. Thomas Prest-
wood^ John Bodly, and John
Periam, so improved their cre-
dits with Bristol, Lyme^ and
Taunton, that they furnished
the lord Russell with necessa-
ries to march forward. Ani-
mated herewith, they advance,
and gave the rebels such a
blow at Fenington Bridge,
that they left three hundred
of their bodies dead on the
place.

10. Soon after the lord Grey
of Wilton (whose slowness may
be excused, as busied by the
way in suppressing tumults in
Buckingham and Oxfordshire)
came with a company of horse-
men and 300 Italian shot, un-
der Baptist Spinola, their leader,
to recruit the lord Russell.
Here one would wonder to
behold the native English fight-
ing in the maintenance of the
mass, opposed by Italians, un.
til he considereth that these
foreigners, being soldiers of
fortune, consulted the coin,
not the cause, of such as en-
tertained them. And now the
king's army advanceth towards
Exeter, a word or two of which
city's sad condition.

1 1. The rebels had often
attempted to fire the gates of
the city, till at last the citizens
found the paradox true, that
" the only way to keep their

the rebels : insomuch that the
lord Sheffield was barbarously
butchered, sir Thomas Com.
wallis taken prisoner, and the
city fired by the rebels ; which
probably had been burnt to
ashes, had not the clouds, com-
miserating the city's calamity,
and melting into tears, quendied
the flames ; and thus the mar-
quis, fain to quit the service,
returned to London.

10. Then was John Dudley,
earl of Warwick, with such
forces as were intended for
Scotland, sent to undertake
the task. The marquis of
Northampton attended him, to
try whether he could be more
fortunate in following than he
had been in leading. Coming
to Norwich, he easily entered
the city, and entertained the
rebels with many sallies with
various success, here too long
to relate ; but generally the
earl of Warwick came off with
the better.

1 1 . Now the rebels, impreg-
nable in some sort if still keep-
ing Household Hill, (whereon
the earPs horse could do small
service,) deserted it of their

CEKT. XVI.

of Britain.

" city shut was to set their
" gates open^" making rampires
more defensible behind them.
As for the enemy's intent to
undermine and blow up the
walls, it was first discovered,
then defeated, by John New-
oombe, a tinner of Teignmouth ;
for, taking advantage of the
declivity of the city on that
side, he countermined the re«
bels' work, and then derived
into it all the kennels and
water - courses, falling down
with a great precipice, and so
drowned the vault intended
with powder to blow up the
walls ; besides, at the same in-
stant set an impetuous shower,
which added to the deluge.
Thus in vain doth hell seek to
kindle that fire, when heaven
intendeth to pour water for the
quenching thereof.

12. Famine raged most ex.
tremely, insomuch as they were
£ain to bake bran and meal
moulded up in cloths, for other-
wise it would not stick toge-
th^. Nor must the worthy
resolution of a loyal citizen be

own accord, and came down A. D. 1549.
into Dussindale*. Here their 3Ed»Vl»
superstition fancied themselves
sufficiently fenced by the virtue
of an old prophecy :

"®5e couttttfi gttooffeji, ?§ob,phaip

anD (louteD 0]^oon,

SbtM fill up Su5(0inDale
initio fdaugj^tereD (ol)ie$(

aoont*

It hath ever been charged on
the English, as if they always
" carried an old prophecy about
" with them in their pockets'',"
which they can produce at plea-^
sure to promote their designs,
though oft mistaken in the ap-
plication of such equivocating
predictions, as here these silly
folk were deluded ; for, it be-
ing believed that Dussindale
must make a large and soft
pillow for Death to rest there-
on, these rebels apprehended
themselves the upholsterers to
make, who proved only the
stuffing to fill the same.

12. The earl, glad that the
enemy had quitted the hill, fell
with all his forces upon them ;
and here happened a most
bloody battle. The rebels dis-
puted the ground with their
natural logic, as I may term it

i [They were compelled to
leave their ground, being strait-
ened from want of provisions.
See the protector's letter to sir

Philip Hobby. Strype's Mem.
II. App. 106 ]

^ [See this History, p. 228.]

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A.D. 1549. forgotten^ publicly professing^
3Ed.VI. ^^^ "rather than he would

'* surrender the city .to the
" rebels, he would fight with
'^ one arm and feed on the
'* other." And now they were
reduced to utmost extremity,
when the seasonable approach
of lord privy seal put a period
to their miseries; for at the
windmill of St. Mary Clist,
after a bloody battle, wherein
sir William Francis was slain
on the king's side, the rebels
were routed and forced to fiy,
leaving a thousand of their
corps dead on the place. Miles
Coverdale gave public thanks
to God for the victory in the
view of Exeter ^ and soon after
was made the bishop thereof ™.
13. Then the lord caused
St. Mary Clist to be burnt to
the ground, though it was his
own town^ as knowing full well
traitors to their king would
never make good tenants to
their landlord. And on Clist
Heath a second fight was be-
gun, where the rebels were
finally overcome. The lord
privy seal marched into Exe-
ter, and was there^ as he well
deserved^ welcomed with all
possible expressions of joy. Sir

— downright blows, without
much military discipline. Here
one might have seen young
boys (timely traitors) plucking
the arrows wherewith they
were wounded out of their
own flesh, and giving them to
those of their own party to
shoot them back again; here
some, thrust through with
spears, wilfully engaged their
bodies the deeper thereon, only
striving to reach out their re-
venge on those who wounded
them. But at last rage was
conquered by courage, number
by valour, rebellion by loyalty,
and in the fight and pursuit
two thousand at the least were
slain.

13. Remarkable was Divine
Providence in preserving the
captive gentlemen of the coun-
try, whom the rebels coupled
together^ and set them in the
front of the fight. Now^ al-
though it be true what David
saith. The sword devoureth one
as well as another^,' yet so
discreetly did captain Drury
charge the van of the rebels,
that most of these innocent
prisoners made their escape.
The last litter of Rett's kennel,

1 [He was for some time
assistant to Veysey, his prede-
cessor in that see ; but accord-
ing to Hooker he was at that
time " attending on my lord

** [Russell] in this journey.
Holinshed, 1025.]

^ [Aug. 27, 1 55 1.]

n 2 Sam. xi. 25.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

William Herbert, with looo
Welsh, came too late to fight,
but soon enough to be an ho-
nourable witness of the vic-
tory.

14. This sixth of August,
the day of their deliver-
ance, is an high festival in
the almanack of Exeter ; good
cheer, and thereby, I justly
guess, their great gratitude
being annually observed, with
a public sermon to perpetuate
the memory of God's mercy
unto them. Yet such solem-
nities do daily decay, every
new generation being removed
one degree further from the
deliverance. The king con-
ferred the manor of Exilond
(formerly belonging to the city,
but wrested from it by the
earls of Devonshire) on their
corporation, in reward of their
loyalty and valour.

15. Humphrey Arundel,
Winslande, Bury, and Coffin
were executed; and, as this
commotion began, it ended, at
Sampford - Courtney, where
their last remnant was defeat-
ed. Six popish priests were
hanged, with Welsh, the vicar
of St. Thomas ; though all this
was but mercy to the cruelty
of sir Anthony Kingston, pro-
vost-marshal, in trussing up
many mean offenders o.

stiffly standing out and fortify- A. D. 1549*

ing themselves, accepted of ! — L

pardon on the earl's promise it
should be assured unto them.

14. On the nine and twen- Twoso-
tieth of August a solemn ^^P^^^
thanksgiving was made in
Norwich for their deliverance,

and is annually continued. In-
deed, this city being betwixt
weakness and strength, is taxed
for wavering at the time be-
twixt loyalty and revolt ;
though, to give the citizens
their due, many expressed
their fidelity to their prince
as far as they durst for fear of
destruction. Yet better had
it been had Norwich been
weaker to be quitted, or
stronger to be defended, whose
mongrel strength exposed it to
the greater misery.

15. Robert Kett was hanged The legal

on Norwich Castle; William, ^tT*'*""

' 'of the re-

his brother, on Windham stee- bels.
pie ; nine others on the oak of
reformation, which never till
then brooked the name thereof.
Amongst these, MileSj^ a cun-
ning cannoneer, was much la-
mented, because remorse kept
him from doing much mischief
to which his cunning did en-
able him P.

o [Holinshed, 1006. He jester as the noted Jeffreys,
was as cruel and barbarous a See Holinshed, 1006-7. In-

FITLLEE, VOL. IV.

The Church History

BOOK Til.

A. D. 1549. Thus, by God's blessing on man's endeavours,

1 ; Iboth these rebellions were seasonably suppressed^.

That of Devonshire did openly avouch the advancing
of popery ; the other was suspected secretly fomented
by some papists, who stood behind the curtain, but
ready to step on the stage, had success of the design
but given them the cue of entrance. As for the
rebellion at the same time in Yorkshire, (which
from a small pustule might have proved a painful
boil, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neglected,) it was
quickly quelled on the execution of [William] Omler
and [Thomas] Dale, the chief promoters thereof ^
Abstracts 22. By the favour of sir Thomas Cotton, having
matters out obtained to make use of his library, (our English
wJ^"s^o^' Vatican for manuscripts,) I shall transcribe king
^^- Edward's Diurnal, written with his own hand, of
the transactions in his reign \ True it is his obser-
vations, for his two first years, are short, and not
exactly expressing the notation of time; but his
notes, as the noter, got perfection with his age.
They most belong to secular affairs, out of whidi
we have selected such as respect ecclesiastical mat-
ters. May the reader be pleased to take notice,
that though my observations, as printed, go abreast
in parallel columns with those of his highness, it is
my intention they should observe their distance, ifl
their humble attendance thereupon.

deed throughout the whole of
these commotions the rich no-
bility acted against the deluded
people, who were but instru-
ments in the hands of others,
with a ferocity unparalleled ex-
cept in the annals of a civil war.]
P [He was suspected to have
been bribed. Neville, ib. 55.]

^ [1549-]

r [21st September. Pox, 11.
670. Stow, 597.]

■ [Cotton Lib. Nero. C. x.
This diary has been printed,
but with some errors, at foU
length by bishop Burnet, ifl
his History of the Reforn\atioDi
vol. II. A pp.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

TeM Royal.

" 1549. The lord protec-''
tor, by his own agree-"
*' ment (1) and submission,"
" lost his protectorship (2),"
" treasurership, marshal-"
" ship, all his movable^,"
" and near 2000 pound"
land,byact of parliament."
" April 4th, 1550. The"
bishop of Chichester* (3),"
" before a vehement af-"
" firmer of transubstantia- '
tion, did preach against"
[it] at Westminster, in"
the preaching place."
" April 10th. My lord"
" Somerset taken into the"
** council."

" April 13th. Order"
*' taken, that whosoever"
had benefices given them"
(4) should preach before"
the king, in or out of
" Lent, and every Sunday"
** there should be a sermon."
" April 19th. Whereas"
" the emperor's ambassa-"
*' dor desired leave, by let-"

6<.

Observations thereon, AEd\l

(i) Thus the pilot, to'
save the ship from sinking,
casts out the rich lading
into the sea.

(2) This lay void ever
after, whilst the treasurer-
ship was presently conferred
on William Paulet, marquis
of Winchester ; and the
marshalship on John Dud-
ley, earl of Warwick.

(3) Namely, George Day,
who, notwithstanding this
sermon, remained a zealous
papist, and on that score
was deprived of his bishop-
ric^.

(4) Understand it, not by
private patrons, but either
presented by the king or
lord chancellor.

t [ In Cotton MS. " Ches-
•• tre" (sic).]

" [loth Oct. 1551. Stow,
60,1;. 6th Oct. 155 1, accord-

ing to king Edward's Journal,
53. See Burnet, 417. He was
succeeded by Scory, bishop of
Rochester.]

E 2

The Church Hirtory

BOOK VIL

A.D. 155a " ters patents, that my lady"

Z L" Mary might have mass;**

it was denied him (5)."
« April 27th. It was''
granted that my lord of
" Somerset should have all"
" his movable goods and"
** leases, except those that"
" be already given (6)."

" May 2nd. Joan Bocher"
" (7)5 otherwise called Joan"
" of Kent, was burnt for"
« holdmg ' that Christ was"
" not incarnate of the Vir-"
" gin Mary,' being con-"

X [Such is the assertion of
Fox, Acts, &c., II. 653. Bur.
net, II. 355, affirms that the
council employed Cranmer and
Ridley, for mere political rea-
sons, to persuade the king. The
princess in her letters to the
council, where she reproaches
them for not keeping their
promise to the emperor, never
alludes to his ambassador's en-
gaging the £nglish prelates in
this service. See her letters in
Fox, II. 701, sq.]

y [See Cranmer*8Works,III.
138, 144. Burnet, II. 230.
Strype's Mem. II. 214. And
the letter of the archbishop of
Canterbury and other the king's
commissioners respecting this
woman, dated April 30, 1549,
in Wilkins, IV. 43. Of the
king's concern for this woman,
and his desire to spare her. Fox
gives the following account:

((

€€
t€
t€
(<
It
((
€<
U
<(
((
«
«
«

«
(<
(<
*<
((
t<
<*
t€
€€

(5) These ei^aged ardi-
bishop Cranmer and Inshop
Ridley to press the king
with politic reasons for tiie
permission thereof. He, un-
able to answer their sign-
ments, fell a weeping z.

(6) Courtiers keep wliat
they catdi, and cstch what
ever they can come by.

(7) An obstinate heretic
maintaining that Christ as.
sumed nothing of the Viigio
Mary^ but pasted throng
her as a cosduit-pipe. Slie
with one or two Arians wen

He always spared and £1^
voured the lue of man, a
once appeared in a certain
dissertation of his had witli
master Cheeke in faFourii^
the life of heretics; inso-
much that when Joane Ba^
cher should be burnedfafi
the council could not move
him to put his hand> t
were fJEun to get Dr. Cm-
mer to persuade with hio;
and yet neither could he;
with much labour^ indoa
the king to do 8o» sayingi
'What, my lord! will y«
have me to send her qoA
to the devil in her &r(X^
So that Dr. Cranmer himaeif
confessed that he had never
so much to do in all his lift
as to cause the king to put
his hand, saying that In
would lay all the chsip
thereof upon Cranmer beloR

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

demned the year before*,"
but kept in hope of con-*'
version ; and the 30th of"
April the bishop of Lon-"
don and the bishop of"
Ely* were to persuade"
her; but she withstood"
them, and reviled the"
preacher that preached"
at her death."
« May 20th. The lord"
Cobham^ and sir Wil-"
liam Petre came home"
from their journey, deli-"
vering both the oath and"
the testimonial of the"
oath, witnessed by divers"
noblemen of France, and"
also the treaty sealed"
with the great seal of"
France (8) ; and in the"

all who (and that Justly) A. D. 1550.
died in this king's reign for ^
their opinions 7.

(8) Advants^eous enongh
for the French, and disho-
nourable too much to the
English, whose covetousness
was above their sense of
honour; selling Boulogne,
bought with blood, for a
sum of money ^.

•• God." Acts, II. 652. Stow
says, " There preached before
** her at the stake, to have
" converted her from her he-
«* resy. Dr. Story; but she, not
'' regarding his doctrine, said
•* to him he lied like, &c.*' p.
604. The whole process of
her examination is detailed in
the works already mentioned.
Stow, p. 596.]

2 [April, 1549.]

a [Nicholas Ridley and Tho-
mas Goodrich.]

^ [George Brook.]

c [They had been sent on
the 18th of April to receive
the Frendi king's oath in rati-

fication of the treaty of Bou-
logne. Tiak peace was deter-
mined on in February. Stow
(p. 604) thus describes the
negotiation : '* After divers
" meetings of our ambassadors
" v^ith the lords of France at
'^ Boulogne, a final peace was
concluded, upon condition
that the French king, paying
a certain sum of money to
" the king of England, should
" have rendered to him the
town of Boulogne, and all
the forts thereunto belong-
•* ing, with all such artillery
*^ and munition as was there
" at the taking thereof by the

<€

€€

• <

C«

«i

E 3

The Church History

BOOK Til.

'^•?:;'IA°*" oath was confessed that"

4 Ed. VI.

^ " I was supreme head of

<«

((

the church of England"

and Ireland (9)."

« June 9th. The duke"
" of Somerset**, marquis of
" Northampton®, lord trea-"
" surer Bedford ^, and the"
" secretary Petre &, went"
" to the bishop of Win-"
" chesterfif to know to what"
« he would stick (10). He"
" made answer that he"
" would obey and set forth"
" all things set forth by me"
" and my parliament ; and"
" if he were troubled in
" conscience, he would re-
" veal it to the council,"
** and not reason openly"
" against it *>."

« June 10th. The books"
'' of my proceedings was"
" sent to the bishop of

(9) The controversy about
this title lying not betwixt
the crowns of Cngland and
France, but betmxt Eng-
land and Rome, no wonder
if the French yielded to anj
style in a treaty so gainful
to themselves.

(10) For as yet this sub-
tie statist scarce knew his
own mind, often receding
from his resolves, whose in-
constancy in this kind in-
censed the king and council
against him.

€€

€C

'* English ; for the perform-
ance whereof hostages were
by both parties to be deli-
** vered : so that on the last
** day of March a general peace
** was proclaimed between the
" kings of England and France,
*• the emperor and the Scots."
See also King Edward's Jour-
nal, 13, and Burnet, II. 306.
The negotiation appears to
have given great offence, and
was afterwards thrown in the

teeth of the duke of Somenet
by his political opponents. Sec
his letters to lord Russell, is
Fox, II. 749. The policy d
this measure is discussed bj
Burnet, Ref. II. 269.]

^ [Edward Seymour.]

e [William Parr.]

^ [John Russell.]
[Gardyner.]

Burnet, 11. 310. The let-
ters which passed on this occa-
sion are printed in Fox, 11,734.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain^

€6

U
U

u
«c

66
66
66

(6
«(

4«
66
66

fc6

.>'

Winchester, to see whe-"
ther he would set his"
hand to it, or promise to
set it forth to the people.
" June 14th. The duke"
of Somerset, with five"
other of the council, went"
to the bishop of Winches-"
ter, to whom he made"
this answer: *I, having
deliberately seen the
Book of Common Prayer,"
although I would not"
have made it so myself,
yet I find such things in
it as satisfieth my con-
science ; and therefore
both I will execute it
myself, and also see other
my parishioners to do it' "
(11). This was subscribed"
by the foresaid counsel-"
lors, that they heard him"
saying these words."
« July 9th. The earl oP
Warwick*, the lord Trea-'
surer, sir William Her-
bert, and the secretary"
Petre, went to the bishop"
of Winchester with cer-"
tain Articles, signed by"
me and the council, con-"

A. D. 1550.
4 Ed. VI.

»>

(11) Parish, in the dia-
lect of a bishops is notori-
ously known to be his dio-
cese. Yet I deny not but
that the numerous parish-
ioners of St. Mary Overy's
(wherein Winchester House)
are herein particularly in-
tended.

e
o

7^.

i [John Dudley.]
£ 4

56 The Church HUtory book

A.D. .550.^ taining the confessing of
^^^'' « his fault, the supremacy,"

" the establishing of holy*"

" days, the abolishinsf of

« six Articles, and divers"

" other ; — whereunto he"

" put his hand, saving to"

" the confession."

"July 10th. Sir William"

" Herbert and the secretary"

" Petre were sent unto him"

" to tell him I marvelled"

" that he would not put"

" his hand to the confes-"

" sion ; to whom he made"

'* answer, ' That he would" (12) If conscious of

" not put his hand to the" crime, he is not to be 1

"confession, for because he" ^^"'"^^ ^^.' justifying

,, /,^v •, own inteffTity.

" was mnocent' (12)." ^ ^

"July 11th. The bishop"
" of London, the secretary"
" Petre, Mr. Cecil, and"
" Gooderich, were com-"
" manded to make certain"
" Articles ^, according to
" the laws, and to put
" [them] in the submis-"
•* sion."

'' July 12th. It \vas ap-"
" pointed that, under the"
" shadow of preparing for"
" the sea matters, there"

9»

5»

^ [These are also printed in Fox, II. 735.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

(4
i(

«
<6

ft«
C6
(ft
6ft
ftft

ftft
U
(ft

should be sent 5000"
pounds to the Protest-"
ants, to get their good"
will (13)."

" July 14th. The bishop"
of Winchester did deny"
the Articles that the"
bishop of London and the
other had made (14)."

" July 19th. The bishop
of Winchester was se-"
questered from his fruits"
for three months (15)."

"July 28th. The lady"
Mary, after long commu-"
nication, was content to"
come to Leis to the lord"
chancellor, and then to"
Hunsdon; but she utterly"
denied to come to the"
court or Oking at that"
time (16)."

" Aug. 13th. The lord"
chancellor ^ fell sore sick,"
with forty more of his"
house (17) ; so that the
lady Mary came not thi-
ther at that time."

"Nov. 19th. There were"
letters sent to every"
bishop to pluck down"
the altars ™."

(13) Such umbrages ofA.D.1550.
simulation presumed lawful 4 Ed. VI.
by all politicians. Quare,
whether the Protestants in

the Netherlands or France
(those of High Germany
being beyond the line of
probability) were here in-
tended.

(14) They were drawn
up in so punctual expres-
sions, the other had neither
compass for evasion nor co-
vert for equivocation.

(15) A rod formerly in
fashion^ but never so soundly
laid on as of late.

{16) She loved to deal
with the king her brother
endnus by letters, but in no-
wise comminus bv discourse.
Besides, she hated coming
to the court, suspecting
some harsh usage to her
person, and jealous of being
put into restraint.

(17) Lees in Essex, a
county generally not very
healthful ', where agues sit
as dose, and sometimes last
as long, as a new suit.

1 [Richard Rich.] removed was that of St. Paul's,

m [The first altar which was probably by the influence of

The Church History

BOOK YII.

A.D.1550. *' Dec. 15. There was"

4 Ed. VI.

" letters sent for the taking"

" of certain chaplains (IS)**
**of the lady Mary, for"
- saying mass ; which she''
" denied q."

(i8> Of these iVancis
Mallet (last master of Mi-
chael House^ in Cambridge)
was the chief ". He, having
leave from the council to
officiate mass, only in the
presence of the lady Mary^
presumed on the same

((

t€

Ridley, then bishop of London.
** This year, (1550,)" says
Stow, " St. Barnaby's day
** (June Ti) was kept holiday,
" and the same day at night
** the altar in Paul's church
*• was pulled down, and a table
set where the altar stood,
with a vayle drawn beneath,
" and steps ; and on the Sun-
*• day next a communion was
*' sung at the same table ; and
** shortly after all the altars
" in London were taken down,
" and tables placed in their
" rooms." p. 604. Heylyn, in
his History of the Church,
doubts the correctness of this
statement, on the ground that
Ridley was " the master of too
" great a judgment to run before
" authority in a business of
** such weight and moment ;
" and he had also a more high
" esteem of the blessed sacra-
" ment than by any such un-
** advised and precipitate action
" to render it less venerable in
'^ the eves of the common
" people." p. 98. But this is
sufficiently answered by the
fact that sir J. Yates was sent
down into Essex, on the 23rd
of June this year, to see Rid.
ley's injunctions respecting the
plucking down of altars per-
formed. See King Edward's
Journal, 24. Burnet, II. 3 25.

Strype's Mem. II. 227. Both
the bishop in his injunctions,
and the council in their letter,
state that " Whereas in divers
** places some use the Ijord's
" board after the form of a
•* table, and some of an altar,
'' whereby dissension is per-
'* ceived to arise among the
" unlearned; therefore, wish-
*' ing a godly unity to be ob-
*• served, they required all al-
** tars to be removed." It is
clear, therefore, that altars had
been removed from several
churches prior to these injunc-
tions, but by what authority is
not easily discovered. Proba-
bly these orders were further
pressed on account of the dis-
putes arising in various places,
altars being placed in some
churches, and tables in others.
See the letters printed in Fox,
II. 699. Wilkins' Concilia, IV.
65. Cranmer's Works, IV. 377.
Fox has also published another
paper sent vnth these injunc-
tions, containing the *' Reasons
" why the Lord's board should
** rather be after the form of a
** table than of an altar.**
These alterations did not pass,
however, without giving great
offence to many. See Strype's
Mem. II. 227. Burnet, II.

327.]

^ Sceletos Cant. MS.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

"1S51. Feb. 16th. Whal."
" ley was examined for per-"
" suadiDg divers nobles of*
" the realm to make the"
" duke of Somerset pro-"

liberty in her absence o. ^ ^ j^^^^
Whereupon he was, not- 4 Ed. VI.
withstanding his lady's re-
fusal to surrender him^
fetched from her by force,
and committed to prison P.

«(

i€

® [What that liberty was,
and upon what conditions it
was granted, is thus explained
in the letter of the privy coun-
cil to the princess, dated Dec.
^5* ^55° • '* It is very true the
'* emperor made request to the
" king's majesty^ (19th April,
" 1550,) that you might have
'* liberty to use the mass in
** your house, and to be as it
** were exempted from the dan-
** ger of the statute : to which
" request divers good reasons
were made, containing the
discommodity that should
" follow the grant thereof, and
" means devised rather to per-
" suade you to obey and receive
" the general and godly refor-
ination of the v/hole realm,
than by a private fancy to
*' prejudice a common order.
** But yet, upon earnest desire
" and entreaty made in the
emperor's name, thus much
was granted, that for his sake,
and your own also, it should
be suffered and winked at, if
you had the private mass
'* used in your own closet for
'* a season, until you might be
" better informed, whereof
" there was some hope, having
'* only with you a few of your
'* own chamber, so that for all
" the rest of your household
" the service of the realm
" should be used, and none
" other. Further than this

((

€C

" the promise exceeded not."
This promise, as they proceed
to shew, the ambassador endea-
voured to have confirmed under
the great seal, " and that not
** being heard, to have it but
** by a letter.'* This was de-
nied likewise. ** The most that
*• might herein be borne was,
" that the king's majesty might,
** upon hope of your grace's
'^ reconciliation, suspend the
'• execution of his law." Fox,
II. 705. Burnet, II. 353.
Strype's Mem. II. 249.]

P [27th April, 155 1. King
Edward's Journal, ^y,']

*i [The allowing mass to be
said in the house of this prin-
cess was connived at in the
early part of this reign, but
never officially permitted, (King
Edward's Journal, 16, 31, 41;)
and this was done, to use the
king's own words, (ib. 34,) " in
** hope of her reconciliation."
See also his letter to the prin-
cess. Fox, II. 703. But finding
that the effect desired had not
been produced, the king and
his council resolved that the
mass should no longer be per-
mitted in her house. For break-
ing this order, *' and saying
mass before her household,
the princess being absent,"
Dr. Mallet was sent to the
Tower, (ib. 37, 41.) See the
letters which passed upon this
occasion, in Fox, II. 701, sq.]

((

60 Tlie Chnreh Hittorv book m

A. D. isso. " tector at the next par-"
*^-^'^- « liament, and stood to the" ('9) Now were tke mk

" denial, the earl of Rut-" TT''^ ^JT^

, . ^ laid, of the protector 8 offf-

land affirming it mani- ^^ro^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^

festly (19)." bng after.

Feb. 13th. The bishop"
" of Winchester, after a"
long trial, was deposed"
of his bishopric."

(

It seems some legal formalities were pretended
wanting in Gardiner his deprivation; for in nj
memory a suit was commenced to overthrow a l(ffi;
lease made by bishop Poinet (Gardiner's succesBoi
in Winchester^) on this point, that Gardiner stil
remained lawful bishop; but nothing therein im
effected.
The con. 23. Como WO uow to the saddest difierence tU
Son-^ ©ver happened in the church of England, if we c»
fonmty. gjj^j, either the time how long it continued, tk
eminent persons therein engaged, or the dol^
effects thereby produced. It was about matters d
conformity ^. Alas ! that men should have lass m
dom than locusts, which, when sent on Grod's errand
did not thrust one another^; whereas here soA
shoving and shouldering, and hoisting and heaving^
and jostling and thronging, betwixt clergymen ol
the highest parts and places : for now nonconform!^
in the days of king Edward was conceived, whid
afterward in the reign of queen Mary (but heyaoi

' [5 April, 155 1. See King Str3rpe'8 Mem. II. 224, ai

Edward's Journal, 35.] App. n8. Strype's Cr. aii.j

" [On these dissensions, see ^ Joel ii. 8.
Burnet, II. 314, III. 331.

csirr. XVI.

of Britain.

sea, at Fraakfort) was bom; which in the reign ofA.D. 1550.

queen Elizabeth was nursed and weaned; which 1

under king James grew up a young youth or tall
stripling; but towards the end of king Charles his
reign shot up to the Ml strength and stature of a
man, able not only to cope with, but conquer, the
hierarchy, its adversary.

24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered The fa-

* X X X .^ vourers

themselves^ driving on different interests under their and oppos.

.. . en thereof.

respective patrons.

Founders of Conformity.

i. Sueh as remained
here all the reign of king
Henry the Eighth, and
weathered out the tem-
pest of his tyranny at
open sea, partly by a
politic compliance, and
partly by a cautious con-
cealment of themselves.

ii. These, in the days
of king Edward the Sixth,
were possessed of the best
preferments in the land.

iii. And retained many

Fownders of Noncon*
formity.

i. Such as fled henee
beyond the seas, chiefly
into Germany, where, liv-
ing in states and cities of
popular reformation, they
sucked in both the air
and discipline of the place
they lived in.

ii. These, returning late
into England, were at a
loss for means and main-
tenance, only supported
with the reputation of
being confessors ; render-
ing their patience to the
praise, and their persons
to the pity of all consci-
entious people.

iii. And renounced all

62 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 1550. ceremonies practised in ceremonies practised by

•^ — '■ — ^the Romish church, con- the papists, conceiving

ceiving them to be an- that such ought not only

cient and decent in them- to be clipped with the

selves ". shears, but to be shaved

with a razor; yea, all
the stumps thereof to be
plucked out.
iv. The authority of iv. John Rogers, lee-
Cranmer and activity of turer in St. Paul's, and
Ridley headed this party; vicar of St. Sepulchre's,
the former being the with John Hooper, after-
highest, the latter the wards bishop of Glouces-
hottest in defence of ter, were ringleaders of
conformity. this party.

This John Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skilled
in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last
would go far in this age,) and afterwards travelled
over into Switzerland ; yea, he seemed to some to
have brought Switzerland back with him, in his
harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave
into rigour, and severe into surliness x. Yet, to
speak truth, all Hooper's ill-nature consisted in other
men's little acquaintance with him. Such as visited
him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who
repaired to him twice, only suspected him of the
same ; who conversed with him constantly, not only
acquitted him of all morosity, but commended him
for sweetness of manners; which, saith my author.

« [Their arguments and II. 155.]
those of their adversaries are ^ [See an instance of this in
briefly summed up by Burnet, Fox, III. 146.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

Godwin in the Bishops of Gloucester y, endeared a. d. 1550.

^ 4 Ed. VI.

him to the acquaintance of BuUinger. This Hooper

was preferred to be bishop of Gloucester by the
special fiivour of his patron, John earl of Warwick,
afterward duke of Northumberland.

25. The worst was, when Hooper came to be Hooper re-

fuseth to

consecrated bishop of Gloucester *, he scrupled the wear the
wearing of certain episcopal ornaments, (rochet, St!^
chimere, square cap, &c.) producing a letter from
the earl of Warwick *, (omniprevalent then at court,
in the declining of his corrival the duke of Somerset,)
that he might be favourably dispensed vnth. therein,
according to the tenor ensuing, to archbishop
Cranmer^

" After my most hearty commendations to your
" grace, these may be to desire the same, that in
" such reasonable things wherein this bearer, my
" lord elect of Gloucester, craveth to be borne withal
" at your hands, you would vouchsafe to shew him
" your grace's favour, the rather at this my instance.
** Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the
king's majesty's own motion. The matter is
weighed by his highness, none other but that your
grace may facilely condescend unto. The prin-
" cipal cause is, that you would not charge this said

<«

:P. 553-1
June, 1550.]

'Principally through the

influence of his former master,

sir John Arundel, who was in

great favour with the duke.

Wood's Ath. I. 223.]

b [Burnet's Hist. II. 386.

Strype's Cran. 302. That

Hooper was unreasonahly se-

vere will be seen by Peter Mar-
tyr's letter addressed to him
upon the use of garments, of
which an abstract is given in
Strype's Cran. 305. See also
his Mem. II. i, 352. The
archbishop's letter to Bucer
for his judgment on this sub-
ject is printed in Cranmer's
Works, I. 341]

64 The Church History book vii.

A. IX i|5Q. « bearer with bxx oath burdenous to his conscience.

4 Ed. Vl.

" And so for lack of time I commit your grace to

" the tuition of Almighty God.

" From Westminster, the 23rd of July, 1550.

" Your Grace's most assured loving Friend,

" J. Warwick ^."

What this oath was (because not expressed) is
variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper
more odious, will have it the oath of supremacy ^ ;
which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly
unlikely that the king would dispense with any
from taking that oath, wherein his own dignity was
so nearly concerned. I conceive it the oath of
canonical obedience to the archbishop % which conse-
quentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper
was willing to decline ; for in the king's next letter,
wrote thirteen days after to the same purpose, there
is mention only of offensive rites and ceremonies,
and of no oath at all, as coincident with the former
and obligatory to such canonical observances. But
see the letter :

[The King's Letter or Grant for the Dispensation of
John Hooper^ elected Bishop of Gloucester; writ-
ten to the Archbishop of Canterbury^ and other
Bishops.']

" Right reverend father, and right trusty and well-

c [Prom Fox, III. 147.] request. Burnet, vol. III. P. ii.

^ [And such is bishop Bur- p. 268.]
net's opinion, II. 388, 389. « [Such was Burnet & earlier

See the oath of supremacy^ as opinion, (which he seems to have

it was made when the bishops abandoned,) Ref. II. 318 ; and

did homage in king Henry the Strype's; Cranmer, 302. The

Eighth's time, with such alter- form of the oath is in Wilkins,

ations as were introduced by IV. 67.]
Edward the Sixth at Hooper's

CJRMT. XVI. of Britahi. 65

" beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we, by the a.d. 1550.

** advice of our councel, have called and chosen 1 : 1

our right well -beloved and well-worthy M. John
Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of

** Glocester, as well for his great knowledge, deep
judgment, and long study, both in the scriptures
and other profane learning ; as also for his good
discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that

" kinde of vocation, [to the intent all our loving
subjects, which are his said charge, and elsewhere,
might by his sound and true doctrine learn the
better their duty towards God, their obedience
towards us, and love towards their neighbours :]

" from consecrating of whom we understand you
doe stay, because he would have you omit and let
passe certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his
conscience, whereby ye thinke ye should fall in
preemunire of laws; we have thought good, by

** the advise aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you
of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures
you should run and be in any manner of way, by
omitting any of the same. And these our letters

" shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge

" therefore.

" Given under our signet, at our castle of Wind-

** sor, the 5. of August, the 4. year of our reign.

" Ed. Somerset. W. Paget.

" W. Wiltshire. An. Wingfield.

" W. North. N. Wotton ^"

All would not do. Resolute Ridley stood stiffly

^ [Prom Fox, III. 146.]

FULLER, VOL. IV. F

u
«

The Church History

BOOK VII.

-A. ^'550- to his tackling ; and here was old bandying of the

business betwixt them, and arguments urged on

both sides ^.

Pro.

i. The ornaments were
indifferent of themselves,
and of ancient use in the
church.

ii. Being enjoined by
lawful authority, they be-
came necessary, not to
salvation, but to church
unity; and it was scan-
dalous to decline them.

iii. It would bring the
papist over to our church,
beholding all things by
them used not totally
abolished by a spirit of
contradiction, but some
decent correspondencies
still moderately conti-
nued.

iv. It would cast a
slur on the credit of such
bishops who formerly had

Con.

i. The best thing that
could be said of them
was, that they were use-
less, being otherveise ridi-
culous and superstitious.

ii. Cursed he he that
removes the boundmarks.
Grant them indifferent in
themselves, and left so
by divine wisdom, it was
presumption in man to
stamp necessity upon
them.

iii. Too much of the
serpent, nothing of the
dove herein, to offend
those within, to invite
those vdthout to the
church; driving Protest-
ants thence, to draw pa-
pists thither.

iv. The credits of some
good men were not to
be preserved by destroy-

? [See his arguments in Buraet, II. 389, and in Strype^s Cr.

>. 305

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

used those ornaments, as
more remiss in religion
than such as refused
them.

V. Those that have
stubborn wills pretend
too often to tender con-
sciences; nor ought a
private person to be in-
dulged with the disturb-
ance of the public uni-
formity of the church.

ing the consciences ofA.D.1550

others.

4 Ed. VI.

V. Hooper put himself
upon the trial of the
Searcher of hearts^ that
no obstinacy, but mere
conscience, made him re-
fuse those ornaments.

In a word, all those arguments which later ages
have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained,
more cunningly improved, more violently enforced,
were then and there first solidly propounded and
solemnly set down on both sides ; posterity in this
matter having discovered no new mine, but only
refined what formerly was found out in this con-
troversy.

26. At last the great earl of Warwick deserted But is

forced &1>

his chaplain in open field, to shift for himself. In- last.
deed he had higher things in his head than to attend
such trifles ; not so much to procure a mitre for his
chaplain as a crown for himself, even then secretly
laying a design to derive the sceptre into his own
family ; yea, Hooper was sent to prison **, and kept
some days in durance S till at last he condescended

^ [27th Jan. 155 1. Strype's
Cran. 215.]

^ His imprisonment not men-
tioned in Mr. Fox, but in the
Troubles cf Frankfort, 42.

[The following is the passage
alluded to : *' This man being
" made bishop by king Edward,
** there was obtruded by other
" bishops of the same order,

68 The Church Histoi^ book vii.

A.D. i5«!o.to conform himself in his habit to the rest of his
L-J- brethren, and so was consecrated bishop of Glou-
cester.
Defended 27. But that which most opens the mouths of
Wor^tof papists and other adversaries against Hooper is,

•

tncwnmen. \^q^q;^^q jjg^ ^\^q scHipled the poor bishoprfc of
Gloucester, afterward held the wealthy bishopric of
Worcester in commendam with it ^. We read of a
wedge of gold^ ; and little wedges, say they, widen
men's consciences for the receiving of greater ; yea,
thus the haters of marriage first become guilty of
bigamy. But let such know, first, that the dioceses
of Gloucester and Worcester lie both contiguous
together ; secondly, many single bishoprics in Eng-
land are larger than both, for extent in laud and
number of parishes ; thirdly, no worse a man than
St. Dunstan himself had the bishopric of Worcester
and London with it, at the same time, being far
more distant and remote ; fourthly, it is not the
having of two bishoprics together, but the neglecting
of one is the sin : whereas Hooper, in preaching and

** according to this Book [of the words of the dissenting

" Common Prayer], a rochet congregation at Frankfort, in

" and a bishop's robe. This their supplication to the se-

*' man being well learned and nate.]

" a long time nourished and ^ [loth May, 1552. King

" brought up in Germany, as Edward's Journal, 76. See Ant.

''soon as he refused these Wood, II. 758. Burnet, II. 4 18.

'* proud things that fools mar- Strype's Mem. II. 354-5. Hoo-

•* vel at, he was cast into pri- per was imprisoned for de-

" son ; and at length, by their claiming in the pulpit against

importunity overcome, and the habits, and for direct dis-

relenting, he was compelled, obedience to the orders of the

to his shame, to give place to privy council. See Strype's Cr.

their impudency with the 308.]

•'common grief and sorrow of * Jos. vii. 21.

" all godly minds." These are

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 69

visiting, afforded double diligence in his double a. d. 1550.

^« 4 Ed. VI.

diocese.

28. The mention of Hooper his holding of theWhyLati-

vnpnp WAS

bishopric of Worcester in commendam minds me of not rajtored
a difficulty which, though I cannot answer, I must ghopric of
not omit. It is this : seeiug that Latimer was outed ^'^^"^ster.
of that bishopric in the days of king Henry the
Eighth, on the account of the Six Articles ™, why
was he not restored to the same under king Edward
the Sixth? especially seeing Nicholas Heath, his
successor, was legally deprived, and the place actu-
ally void ; whereas, on the contrary, Hugh Latimer
continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of •
preferment. Here first we must largely trade in
negatives : it was not for any want of favour from
the king, seeing he stood rectus in curia in relation
to his majesty ; nor was it because his downright
sermons disobliged the courtiers, who generally de-
light in soft preaching as in soft clothing " ; nor was
it out of suUenness, because he would not be bedded
again with that wife which, though unwillingly, had
in his absence embraced another ; nor have we any
cause to suspect Latimer of Hooper's opinion, as
distasting ceremonies, and so obstructing his advance-
ment. But we impute it either to his conscience,
(ofttimes sharpest in the bluntest men,) because he
would not be built on the ruins of another, espe-
cially knowing Heath one of a meek and moderate
nature; or to his age, who, Barzillai-like ®, was
superannuated for earthly honour (alas ! what
needed a square cap over the many nightcaps which

^ [Stow, S950 " Matt. xi. 8. ©2 Sam. xix. 35.

F 3

The Church History

BOOK vir.

A. D. 1550* age had multiplied on his reverend head?); or
— 1-^ — 1 because he found himself not so fit for government,
better for preaching than ordering ecclesiastical
affairs ; or, lastly, because he prophetically foresaw
that the ingratitude of the English nation would
shorten their happiness and king Edward^s life, and
he was loath to come into a place only to go out
thereof. Sure I am it was a loud lie which Parsons
tells, that Latimer was kept bare p, who kept him-
self bare, living not in the want, but neglect, yea,
contempt of all worldly wealth. He was confessor-
general to all Protestants troubled in mind ; yea, he
was the Corban or treasury, into which restored ill-
gotten goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor
according to his discretion ; and Latimer, by the
courtesy of England, (once a bishop and ever a
bishop,) was in civility saluted lord, and honoured
by all good people that knew him. This I conceive
the true cause why Hooper would not be translated
to Worcester, but held it in commendam with Glou-
cester, because Latimer and Heath were both sur-
viving, each accounted a lawful bishop by those of
their own religion.
Hooper and 29- But whou Hoopor, unwiUiugly willing, wore
concUedby those opiscopal omameuts, he put on with them a
afflictions, great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him

thereunto ; yea, when those his clothes may be

P [Three Conversions, vol. II.
p. 306. It is probable that La.
timer was unwilling to return
to his bishopric ; for the house
of commons moved that he
should be restored. But though
no longer a bishop^ his influ-
ence appears to have been un-

diminished, if we may judge
from his frequent preaching
before the king. " He was
•' kept by Cranmer at Lambeth^
*' where he spent the rest of
** his days till he was impri-
'' soned, in queen Mary's
** time." Burnet, II. 51, 195O

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 71

presumed half worn out, his anger was new andA.D. i5.i;o.

fresh as at the beginning ; nor were they fully recon- - — 1

ciled till their death, in the days of queen Mary :
high time then to period their passion, before the
mn (of their life) went down in their wrath. Strange
that their heart-burnings could not be quenched till
the fire was kindled which was to bum both their
bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if
amendment be the effect. The Jesuit challengeth
the credit of this reconciliation to the catholics,
bragging that they made them friends ^ ; but wo
know their cruel intention was not to make friends,
but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that
Divine Power and Providence which sanctified their
sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above,
against the design and desire of those which inflicted
them. Thus, when froward children fiill out and
fight, a good parent and a good rod do quickly make
them friends. See the letters at large in master
Fox*^, which passed betvdxt them in prison ; wherein,
as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement,
let Ridley receive his praise that he did fast embrace
it 8 ; for as the second blow makes the fray, so it is
not the tender but acceptance of peace makes the
reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all
the Marian-martyrs Hooper and Ridley suffered with
most torture, and impute this to a divine punish-
ment, justly infiicted on them for this their dissen-

<1 Parsons, ut supra^ pag. ence from Ridley's letter to

316. Hooper, in Fox, III. 148 ; but

r [Pox, III. 147.] until we possess the other

> [I am uncertain upon what letters this cannot be deter-

authority this is stated by Ful- mined.]

ler, except he draws this infer-

F 4

72 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 1550. sion, there is somewhat of curiosity in the observa-

A ICH VT

Ltion, and nothing of charity in the application.

Three sorts 30. We must not forffot that this earnest contest

ofnoncon- 1 vi. i 1 i

formists. was not about the calling, but clothes ; not the
vocation, but only about the vestments of bishops.
Whereupon the judicious reader will distinguish
three ranks, or, if the word be better liked, three
classes of nonconformists, according to their several
dates and designs :

i. Ancient nonconformists, here in king Edward's
days, who desired only to shake down the leaves of
episcopacy, misliking only some garments about
them.

ii. Middle nonconformists, in the end of queen
Elizabeth and beginning of king James, who struck
at the branches thereof, chancellors and officials,
and other appendant limbs, which they endeavoured
to remove.

iii. Modem nonconformists, who did lay the awe
to the root of the tree^ to cut down the function
itself as unlawful and Antichristian.

Thus after-ages still made new additions, as if it
would be accounted idleness in them if the strong
and active legs of the sons and nephews should not
go faster and further than the old and feeble feet of
their fathers and grandfathers.
The Psalms 31. About tliis time David's Psalms were trans-
into metre, lated into English metre, and, if not publicly com-
manded, generally permitted to be sung in all
churches. The work was performed by Thomas
Sternhold ^, (an Hampshire man, esquire, and of the

^ [Bale^ De Script., Cent, rett, that Sternhold composed
IX. §. 79. It is probable that several of them at first merely
Strype's opinion is more cor- for his own solace ; "for he

CENT. XYI.

of Britain,

privy chamber to king Edward the Sixth, who for a. d. 1550.
his part translated thirty-seven selected psalms,)-^ — '■ — '-
John Hopkins, Robert Wisedome, &c., men whose
piety was better than their poetry; and they had
drank more of Jordan than of Helicon. These
psalms were therefore translated to make them more
portable in people's memories, (verses being twice as
light as the selfsame bulk in prose,) as also to raise
men's affections, the better to enable them to prac-
tise the apostle's precept, Is any merry? let him
sing psalms ". Yet this work met afterwards with
some frowns in the faces of great clergymen, who
were rather contented than well pleased with the
singing of them in churches ; I will not say because
they misliked so much liberty should be allowed
the laity (Borne only can be guilty of so great envy)
as to sing in churches ; rather because they con-
ceived these singing-psalms erected in corrivality
and opposition to the reading psalms which were
formerly sung in cathedral churches ; or else the
child was disliked for the mother's sake, because
such translators, though branched hither, had their
root in Geneva.

32. Since, later men have vented their just ex-Themean-

ness of the

ceptions against the baldness of the translation ; so translation

'^^set and sung them to his
" organ, which music king £d-
•' ward VI. sometimes hearing,
** (for he was a gentleman of
•* the privychamber,) was much
delighted with them, which
occasioned his publication
" and dedication of them to
" the said king. After, when
" the whole Book of Psalms,
" with some other hjrmns^ were

<€

€(

'* completely finished in verse,
*• (done, it seems, by Hopkins
" and certain other exiles in
*' queen Mary's reign,) this
" clause in the aforesaid Act
** [of Uniformity] gave them
" their authority for their pub-
*' lie use in the church." Mem.
II. 86.]

^ James v. 13.

74 The Church History book vii.

A D. 1 550. that sometimes they make the Maker of the tongue

-1 — ! Lto speak little better than barbarism, and have in

voJired to niany verses such poor rhyme that two hammers on
be excused. ^ gmith's auvil would make better music ; whilst
others, rather to excuse it than defend it, do plead
that English poetry was then in the nonage, not
to say infancy thereof; and that, match these verses
for their age, they shall go abreast with the best
poems of those times. Some, in favour of the trans-
lators, allege that to be curious therein and over-
descanting with wit had not become the plain song
and simplicity of an holy style. But these must
know there is great difference between painting a
face and not washing it. Many since have far
refined these translations, but yet their labours
therein never generally received in the church, prin-
cipally because un-book-leamed people have conned
by heart many psalms of the old translation, which
would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony if a
new edition were set forth. However, it is desired
and expected by moderate men that, though the
fabric stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad
contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald
rhymes in some places get a new nap, which would
not much discompose the memory of the people.
The first 33. On the twenty-fourth of July, king Edward,

l^al erec- *f o

tion of the by his letters patent, at the request of John a Lascb,

gr^ti^" free baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent

m London. ^£ j^jg ^Quncil, give and grant the whole church of

St. Augustine's \ near Broad Street in London, (the

^ [Burnet, II. 318. Strype's ''have the Austin Friars for

Mem. II. 241. " June 29th, " their church, to have their

** [1550,] it was appointed " service in, for avoiding all

*' that the Germans should '* sect of Anabaptists and such

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 75

choir excepted, formerly possessed by marquis Pau-A.D. i5.i;o.
let,) unto the superintendent and ministers of the-1 — '■ — -
Dutch church, and other strangers in London, to
have and to hold for them, their heirs and successors,
in frank-almonage, to be a meeting-place for them,
therein to attend God's word and sacraments. He
ordered, also, that hereafter it should be called by
the new name of " the Church of the Lord Jesus ;"
and incorporated the said superintendent, ministers,
and congregation to be a body politic, for all pur-
poses and intents; empowering them from time to
time, in the vacancy of a superintendent, to choose,
name, and substitute any able and fit person in that
place: provided that the person so chosen be first
presented to the king, his heirs and successors, to
be approved and confirmed by them in the office of
the mim'stry, enjoining all archbishops, bishops, and
other officers, qitod permittant prafatis superintend
dentiy^ et ministris^ et successoribiis suis^ libere et
quiete frui^ gavderej uti et ewercere ritus^ et cceremonids
suas propriasy et disciplinam ecclesiasticam propriam
etpectdiaremj non obstante quod non conveniant cum
ritibus et C€eremoniis in regno nostro usitatis : " That
they permit the foresaid superintendent and minis-
ters, and their successors, freely and quietly to
hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper
rites and ceremonies, and their proper and peculiar
church-discipline, notvrithstanding that they agree

" like." King Edward's Jour- '* narratio de instituta ac de-

nal, 24.] " mum dissipata Belgarum Ec-

y The letters are kept in the " clesia/'&c] p. 13, &c. [These

Dutch church, and exemplified letters are printed in full from

in Johannes Utenhovius, in his the patent rolls^ 4 Edw. VI.^ in

narration of the Dutch Congre- Burnet, II. ii. 288. Wilkins,

gation, [f* Simplex et fidelis IV. 64.]

The Church History

BOOK YIU

A.D. 1550." not with the rites and ceremonies used in our
^ ^^•^^' " kingdom."
Women's 34. Now foUowod the fatal tragedy of the duke

br&wls

men's ' of Somerset ; and we must recoil a little, to fetch
**^'^'' forward the cause thereof'.* Thomas Seymour, baron

z [Fox, II. 748. Burnet,
II. no, 203, and II. ii. 5.
Strype's Mem. II. 123. [On
this passage Burnet remarks,
though without naming our
author, '^It is generally said
" that all this difference be-
" tween the brothers was begun
*' by their wives, and that the
*' protector's lady, being offend-
•' ed that the younger brother's
•* wife had the precedence of
*' her, which she thought be-
" longed to herself, did there-
'* upon raise and inflame the
'• differences. But in all the
" letters that I have seen con-
** cerning this breach, I could
'* never find any such thing
** once mentioned; nor is it
" reasonable to imagine that
** the duchess of Somerset
*' should be so foolish as to
'' think that she ought to have
** the precedence of the queen
" dowager ; therefore I look
** upon this story as a mere
'* fiction ; though it is probable
*' enough there might, upon
*' some other accounts, have
•' been some animosities be-
** tween the two high-spirited
*• ladies, which might have
** afterwards been thought to
*' have occasioned their hus-
*• bands* quarrel." II.i 12. Fox,
whom the other chroniclers fol-
low, says merely, ** It happened,
" upon what occasion I know
^* not, that there fell a displea-

" sure betwixt the said queen
" and the duchess of Somerset,
*' and thereupon also, in behalf
*' of their wives, displeasure
*' and grudge began between
" the brethren." II. 748. That
Katherine had some very sharp
words with Somerset we learn
from her letters to her husband,
in Haynes' State Papers, 61,
62, though the duke's hostility
may have arisen merely from
chagrin at the ambition and
success of his brother. It is
not impossible, however, that
as the duke had the year before
procured a patent under the
great seal, by which " he was
" warranted to sit in parlia-
" ment on the right hand of
** the throne, and was to have
" all the honours and privileges
" that at any time any of the
" uncles of the kings of Eng-
" land, whether by the father's
*' or the mother's side, had en-
** joyed, with a non obstante
to the statute of preced-
ence," (Burnet, II. 81,) that
his duchess might suppose
that in right of her husband
she might be allowed to
take precedence of the queen
dowager. And this is ren-
dered more probable from the
confession of Wightman^ ser-
vant to the admiral, who, re-
lating a conversation between
himself and Nicholas Throdo
morton, on occasion of the

€<

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

of Sudely, and lord admiral, the protector's younger a. d. 1550.
brother, had married the lady Katharine Parr, the -i — '. — 1
reUct of king Henry the Eighth. A contest arose
betwixt their wives about place, the protectress, as
I may call her, refusing to give it to the king's
dowager; yet was their precedency no measuring
cast, but clear in the view of any unpartial eye ; nor
needed other herald to decide the controversy than
the king's own injunctions, wherein, after prayer for
his own royal person % ministers were commanded
to pray for the queen-dowager even before the king's
sisters, Mary and Elizabeth ; the protector (under
whom his lady must claim place) being placed last
in the list of their devotions.

35. The women's discords derived themselves into Lord Tho-
their husbands' hearts ; whereupon, not long after, mmir Se-
followed the death of the lord Thomas Seymour, ^^^^
arraigned for designing to translate the crown to
himself, though having neither title to pretend unto

•<

death of queen Katherine^ has
this passage : "'I promise you/
said he [Throckmorton], ' if
my lord be either wise or
politic, he will become a new
" manner of man, both in heart
^' and service ; for he must
" remember that if ever any
*' grudge were borne towards
him by my lady of Somerset,
it was, as most men guess,
" for the queen's cause, who
now being taken away by
death, it will undoubtedly
'* follow, unless the fault be in
*' himself, that she will bear
** him as good heart as ever
** she did in her life/ '* Haynes*
State Papers, 69. This dis-

sension, however, between the
two brothers, whatever was the
primary cause of it, was care-
fully fostered by designing
hands ; for Elizabeth, in a let-
ter to her sister, says, ** In late
" days I heard my lord of
" Somerset say, that if his bro-
" ther had been suffered to
" speak with him, he had never
^' suffered; but the persuasions
** were made to him so great,
'^ that he was brought in belief
that he could not live safely
if the admiral lived ; and that
'* made him give his consent
'* to his death." Ellis, second
series, II. 257.]

a Vide supra, p. 605.

€C

€t

78 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 1550.it, nor effectual interest to achieve the same ^. Let
4Ed.VL Adonijfthc and this lord's example deter subjects
from meddling with the widows of their sovereigns,
lest in the same match they espouse their own
danger and destruction. This lord thus cut off, the
protector stood alone on his own bottom, at which
his enemies daily endeavoured to undermine [him].
A tripar- 36. Soou after, the lords of the council resolved

tltfi &CCI1S&~

tion. to accuse him of many high offences^. Of these
lords, some were lawyers, as the lord Wriothesley
lately ; the lord Rich, then lord chancellor ; sir
Edward Montague, chief justice, &c. : some mar-
tialists, as sir Ralph Sadler, treasurer to the army :
and some mere statesmen, as William Paulet, lord
treasurer: and their accusations participated of the
several conditions of the accusers. The lawyers
charge him for bringing Westminster Hall into
Somerset House, keeping there a court of request,
and therein determining titles of land, to the appa-
rent injury of the subject. Military men taxed him
for his sumptuous buildings, having their mortar
tempered with the tears of soldiers' wives and chil-
dren, whose wages he detained ; and for betraying
Boulogne and other places in France to the enemy.
Statesmen chiefly insisted on his engrossing all
power to himself ; that whereas, by the constitution
of the protectorship, he was to act nothing without
the advice of king Henry's executors, he solely trans-
acted matters of the highest consequence without
their privity.

Earl of 37. Here I must set John Dudley, earl of War-

Warwick

^ [20th March, iS49« See ^ [Stow, 597 — 601. Fox,
Stow, S96.] 11.748. BurnetJI. 276. Strype's

c^. I Kings ii. Mem. II. 181.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

wick^ (as a transcendant,) in a form by himself, being a. d. 1550.
a competent lawyer, (son to a judge,) known soldier, -^ — '. — 1
and able statesman, and acting against the protector ^®,/!^J
to all these his capacities. Indeed he was the very«"®™y-
soul of the accusation, being all in all, and all in
every part thereof; and seeing the protector was
free-spirited, open-hearted, humble, hard to distrust,
easy to forgive ; the other proud, subtle, close, cruel,
and revengeful: it was impar congressiis betwixt
them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt
a naked and an armed person ^.

38. Hereupon he was imprisoned at Windsor, in The protec-
a place anciently called Beauchamp's Tower ^, itandl^pri-
seems by a sad prolepsis, but never verified till now, ^^ridr*
when this viscount Beauchamp (by his original
honour) was therein confined, and hence was he
removed to the Tower of London. However, although
all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz.
in the disjuncture of his best friend (the lord Russell,

^ [These articles are printed
in Burnet^ II. ii. 269, in Ho-
linshed, 1059^ and in Stow^ 601,
where will be fonnd also^ at full
lenfiiih, Somerset's acknowledg-
ment <^d gubmission, which he
made upon the 23rd of Decem-
ber. He was not, however,
released till the 6th of Febru-
ary following^ after a second
submission, which he made on
the 2nd of that month. In
that paper he says, *' I am most
feurful and full of heaviness,
my very good lords, to un-
*' derstand fiiat my last letters
were no better accepted at
your lordships' hands, to
** whom I am bound during
my lifie for your most gentle

«<

€<

<€

" and merciful dealing with
** me, that it pleased your
^' goodness to bring my case
" to a fine. Although the fine
** be to me importable, yet I
" do commit myself wholly to
" his highness' and your lord-
" ships* mercies. I pray only
*' the moderation of it." He
was again committed to the
Tower on the i6th of Oct.
1551, and brought thence to
his trial in Westminster Hall
on the 1st of December ; lord
William Paulet, marquis of
Winchester and lord high trea.
surer of England, sitting that
day under the cloth of estate
as high steward of England.]
^ Fox, II. 752.

The Church History

BOOK VII.

Accused
the second
time.

A.D.1551. privy seal,) then away in the west, yet by his own
-^^ — ^ — ^innocence, his other friends' endeavour, the king's
interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquit-
ted, and, though outed his protectorship, restored
and continued privy counsellor, as in the king's diary
was fonneriy observed s.

39. But after two years and two months his
enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as
the first stroke shaked, the next would fell him to
the ground ^. Indeed Warwick, who had too power-
ftd an influence upon all the lords, could not erect
his intended fabric of sovereignty except he first
cleared the groundwork from all obstructive rubbish,
whereof this duke of Somerset was the principal ; in
whose absence the lords met at the council-table,
where it was contrived how all things should be
ordered in relation to his arraignment.
Lord Rich 40. Richard Rich, lord chancellor, (then living in

uis ser™ ^^

vant's dan. Great St. Bartholomew's,) though outwardly concur-
r^-ring with the rest, began now secretly to favour the
duke of Somerset, and sent him a letter, therein ac-
quainting him with all passages at the council-board,
superscribing the same (either out of haste or fiimi-
liarity) with no other direction save " To the Duke ;"
enjoining his servant (a raw attendant, as newly
entered into the family) safely to deliver it ^ The

g [Strype's Mem. II. 292.]
^ [Burnet, II. 366. Strype's
Mem. II. 281, 306.]

» This story attested to me
by his great grandchild, the
earl of Warwick. [If Fuller's
anecdoD^ respecting lord Rich
be correct^ it is probable that
he feigned sickness as a motive
for delivering the seal; forking

Edward has made the following
entry in his Journal, at Dec.
21:^* Richard lord Rich, chan-
•• cellor of England, consider-
" ing his sickness, did deliver
" his seal to the lord treasurer,
" [William Paulet, marquis of
'• Winchester,] the lord great
*' master, [William lord St.
** John,] and the lord cham-

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

man made more haste than good speed; and hisA. D.1551.

lord, wondering at his quick return, demanded of 1

him where the duke was when he delivered him the
letter. ** In Charter House," said his servant, " on
'* the same token that he read it at the window and
** smiled thereat." But the lord Rich smiled not at
this relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and
delivery of the letter to the duke of Norfolk \ no
great fiiend of his, and an utter enemy to the duke
of Somerset.

41. Wonder not if this lord rose early up the The lord
next mornings who may be presumed not to have signetirhis
slept aU night. He hieth to the court, and having J^^"'*
gotten admittance into the bedchamber before the
king was risen up, fell dovm on his knees, and
desired that his old age might be eased of his bur-
thensome office; pleading that there ought to be
some preparatory interval in statesmen betvrixt their

'• berlain, [Thomas Dudley,
'* duke of Northumberland,]
" sent to him for that purpose
" during the time of his sick-
** ness, and chiefly of the par.
<' liament.'* p. 63. Sir Thomas
Hayward insinuates the same
in nis Life of Edward VI., p.
33 1 ; at which assertion Strype
is somewhat indignant. Mem.
II. 391. The king further notes
in his Journal: '' 22nd [Dec.
'* 1551]- The great seal of
England delivered to the
bishop of Ely, to be keeper
thereof during the lord Rich's
sickness." p. 64. And again :
*' Jan. 19, [1552]. The bishop
'* of Ely custos sigilli was made
** chancellor, because as custos
** sigilU he could execute no-
'* thing in the parliament that

FULLER, VOL. IV.

*€

" should be done, but only to
" seal ordinary things." lb. 67.
Goodrich was preferred to this
place probably by the interest
of the duke of Northumber-
land, and on account of his
enmity to Somerset. Besides,
Northumberland and Goodrich
were both papists ; the former
confessing as much at his exe-
cution, the latter complying in
queen Mary's reign. For his
character, see Burnet, II. 376.
Strype, however, speaks of him
more favourably. Mem. II.

293-]

^ [Thomas Howard. See

the letters between the protec-
tor and this lord, in Fox, II.
749. He does not appear to
have been any very great friend
to the duke.]

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A.D. 1551. temporal business and their death; in order to which

i — Ihe desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his

own devotions ; nor would he rise from the ground
till the king had granted his request. And thus
he saved himself from being stripped by others, by
first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had
lost his chancellor's place for revealing the secrets
of the council-board. Some days after, the seal was
solemnly fetched from him, and conferred on doctor
Goodrich, bishop of Ely I
The duke 42. The impeachment of the duke went on never-

of Somerset . _ i., -i-i.-i./.

impeached theless, and two nets were laid to catch him, that if
Dec. I. "* one brake, the other might hold. He was indicted
of treason and felony : the former was only to give
the report, the latter to discharge the bullet. So
great a peer could not be accused of less than high
treason, that the offence might appear proportionable
to the offender. However, he was acquitted of
treason ; whereat the people in Westminster Hall
gave such a shout, that though the same was inter-
cepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported
to be heard as far as Long Acre ™.
Sad silence. 43. But this sound was seconded with a sad
silence when he was condemned for felony, by a
new-made statute, for plotting the death of a privy
counsellor, namely, the earl of Warwick ^. Here a

1 [21st Dec. 1 55 1. Stow's
Chron. 607.]

^ Stow's Chron. 606.

^ [Burnet, mentioning the
different opinions of people
upon the death of the duke^
ho\y that some looked upon
his fall as a retribution and a
just judgment upon him for
devising the fall of the duke of

Norfolk and his son, others for
his want of natural affection
in the proceedings against his
brother, observes further that
some also "blamed him for
" being too apt to convert
'* things sacred to his own use,
" and because a great part of
** his estate was raised out of
" the spoils of many churches;

CENT. XTl.

of Britain.

strange oversight was committed, that he craved not a.d. 1551
the benefit of the clergy, which could not legally be -5 — i — 1-
denied him ; on the granting whereof the ensuing
punishment had certainly been remitted ; and not
long after he was beheaded on Tower Hill, with no
less praise for his piety and patience than pity and
grief of the beholders ®.

44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justness a quKre
of his suffering, and generally do believe that herity^*^

€<

*€

** and some late writers have
^* made an inference upon this,
upon his not claiming the
benefit of clergy, that he was
" thus left of God not to plead
*^ that benefit, since he had so
*' much invaded the rights and
" services of the church. But
in this they shewed their ig-
norance ; for, by the statute,
" that felonv of which he was
" found guilty was not to be
•* pui^d by clergy." Ref. II.

384]

How great a favourite he

was with the people may be
seen £rom their conduct at his
trial and execution, and the
unusual preparations made by
the lords of the council to pre-
vent the populace from rescuing
him. Fox, II. 753. Stow, 606.
On the day of his trial, ist Dec.
1 5 5 1 , when the verdict was given
against him for the charge of
felony, *' the people in the hall
** supposed he had been clearly
** quit when they saw the axe
" of the Tower put down, [and]
** made such a shriek^ casting
up of caps, &c.^ that their
cry was heard to the Long
Acre beyond Charing Cross,
" which made the lords asto-

€€

€t

'* nied. About five of the
'^ clock at night the said duke
" landed at the Crane in the
*• Vintry, and so was had
" through Candlewick Street
" to the Tower." There he
lay until the 22nd of January
following. Fox has given an
account of his execution, sent
him "by a certain noble per-
** sonage who not only was
*• there present at the deed
" doing, but also in a manner
*' next unto him [the duke]
" upon the scaffold." II. 753.
Stow was also there, and has
given a better account than
the other of the sudden con-
sternation which fell upon the
people attending the duke's
execution.

Burnet has been more fa-
vourable to the duke than most
of our historians, excepting
Fox, and is inclined to think
'^ that all this pretended con-
** spiracy, upon which he was
" condemned, was only a for-
" gery." II. 383. The evi-
dence for both sides of the
question is summed up in a
masterly way by Collier, Eccl.
Hist. II. 313 — 316.]

o [22nd Jan. 1552.]

G 2

84 The Church History book vii.

A.D.1551. himself was the sheep who was here condemned for
— ^ — ^ the slaughter. A good author tells us that " he lost
" his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice
" point, subtilely devised and packed by his enemies p."
And yet that the good king himself was possessed of
his guilt may appear by his ensuing letter % written
with his own hand to a dear servant of his, as fol-
loweth :

" To our well-beloved servant Bamaby Fitzpatrick,
" one of the gentlemen of our chamber.

" Edward.
" Little hath been done since you went but the
" duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious trea-
" son, and the musters of the new-erected gen-
" darmery. The duke, the first of this moneth, was
" brought to Westminster Hall, where sate as judge
" or high steward my lord treasurer "•, twenty-six lords
" of the parliament went on his triall. Indictments
" were read, which were severall, some for treason,
" some for trayterous felony. The lawyers read how
** sir Thomas Palmer had confessed that the duke
" once minded and made him privy to raise the
north ; after to call the duke of Northumberland ^
the marquis of Northampton*, and the earle of
" Pembroke " to a feast, and so to have slain them.
" And to doe this thing (as it was to be thought)
" had levied men a hundred at his house at London,
^* which was scanned to be treason, because unlaw-

P Camd. Brit, in Somerset- Chester.]
shire, [p. 1 75]. b [John Dudley, earl of

^ Transcribed out of the Warwick.]
original. t [William Parr.]

' Paulet, marquis of Win. « [William Herbert.]

«
((

cxifT. xvi. of Britain: 85

^^ fall assemblies for such purposes was treason by a. d. 1^51.
** an act made the last sessions. Also how the duke ^
of Somerset minded to stay the horses of the
gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed
also the murdering of the lords in a banquet. Sir
Miles Partridge^ also confessed the raising of
^^ London ; Hamman y his man having a watch at
" Greenwich of twenty weaponed men, to resist if
" he had been arrested ; and this confessed both
" Partridge and Palmer. He answered, that when
** he levied men at his house he meant no such
" thing, but onely to defend himself. The rest Pie]
" very barely answered. After debating the matter
" from nine of the clock till three, the lords went
" together, and there weighing that the matter
seemed only to touch their lives, although after-
ward more inconvenience might have followed,
^* and that men might think they did it of malice,
** acquitted him of high treason, and condemned him
of felony, which he seemed to have confessed.
He, hearing the judgment, fell down on his knees,
" and thanked them for his open triall. After, he
asked pardon of the duke of Northumberland,
the marquis, &c., whom he confessed he meant
" to destroy, although before he swore vehemently
** to the contrary. Thus fare you well.

" From Westminster, the 20th of December, anno
« Domini 1551."

Hereby it plainly appeareth that the king was

X [A man of infamous cha- nal^ 60, 61. Palmer was after.
racter. See Strype's Mem. tl. wards executed for treason.

iiSJ

Hammond, in the Jour.

Strype's Cran. 315.]
6 3

The Church History

BOOK Til.

A.D. 1553- possessed with a persuasion of his uncle's guiltiness;

'- — - whether or no so in truth, God knoweth, and gene-
rally men believe him abused herein ; and it seemeth
a wonder to me, that six weeks (from December the
1st to January the 22nd) interceding betwixt the
duke's condemnation and execution, no means were
made during that time to the king for his pardon.
But it is plain that his foes had stopped all access
of his friends unto the king ^

The diike's 45. The duke of Somerset was religious himself,
a lover of all such as were so, and a great promoter
of reformation; valiant, fortunate, (witness his vic-
tory in Musselborough field, when the Scots filled
many carts with emptiness, and loaded them with
what was lighter than vanity itself — ^popish images
and other trinkets, wherein they placed the confi-
dence of their conquest,) he was generally beloved of
martial men; yet no marvel if some did grumble
against him, seeing there is no army, save that of
the church triumphant, wherein the soldiers at some
time or other do not complain against their general ;
nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed

* [Upon this long interval
between the sentence of the
duke and his execution, Burnet
observes, though without giv-
ing his authorities, *' It seems
there was some treaty about
his pardon ; for though he
'* was condemned on the ist of
'* December, he was not exe-
" cuted till the 22nd of Janu-
" ary. What made it to be
" respited so long, and yet
*' executed at last, does not
*' appear. It is probable it was
" ^om a management of the
*• duke of Northumberland's,

" who, by the delay, did seem
" to act in his favour, that so
" he might be covered from the
** popular odium which he saw
" his death was like to bring
" upon him ; and at the same
** time, by the means of some
" who had credit with the king,
*' he possessed him with so bad
•• an opinion of the duke of
" Somerset, that he, looking on
" him as an implacable man,
'^ capable of black designs, re.
" solved to let the sentence be
" executed upon him." III.40 1.
See Fox, II. 669.]

CKNT. XVI. of Britain. 87

in matters of state^ seeing the most conscientious a- ^- 155^*

politician will now and then borrow a point of law '• — '-

(not to say take it for their due) even with an intent
never to pay it. He was better to perform than
plot, do than design. In a word, his self-hurting
innocence declined into guiltiness, whose soul was
so far from being open to causeless suspicions, that
it was shut against just jealousies of danger ^.

46. He built Somerset House, where many like Hw g^
the workmanship better than either the foundation "*^°^
or materials thereof; for the houses of three bishops,
(Llandaff, Coventry and Lichfield, and Worcester,)

with the church of St. Mary-le-Strand, were plucked
down to make room for it ^. The stones and timber
were fetched from the hospital of St. John's. This
Somerset House is so tenacious of his name, that it
would not change a duchy for a kingdom, when
solemnly proclaimed by king James Denmark House,
from the king of Denmark's lodging therein, and his
sister queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it
aigaeth that this duke was well beloved, because
his name made such an indelible impression on this
his house, whereof he was not full five years peace-
ably possessed.

47. We lately made mention of Bamaby Fitz- ?'*^« ^'^fi^'*

•^ "^ instructions

patrick, to whom the king directed his letter, as whotoFiizpa-

trick for
hisbeha-

• [Burnet, II. 276, 278.] " Johnof Jerusalem, neere unto p^^

^ [" Also the parish church " Smithfield, most beautifully

at the Strand without Temple " new builded, and late finished

Barre was pulled downe, with "by the lord prior, named

*' Strond Inne, and Strond *' Docwray, was undermined

" Bridge, in place whereof to ** and orerthrowne with gun-

'• build the protector's house." " powder, the stone whereof

Stow, p. 595. "About the same " was applied in the building

time the steeple and most *' of the lord protector's house

part of the -church of St. " at the Strond." lb. p. S96.J

G 4f

88 The Church HtHory book vii.

A.D.Ms«.wafl bred and brought up with him from his infancy,

^ though somewhat the older. He was prince Edward's

proxy for correction, though we may presume seldom
suffering m that kind, such the prince's general inno-
cence and ingenuity to learn his book ; yet when
such execution was done, as Fitzpatrick was beaten
for the prince, the prince was beaten in Fitzpatrick,
so great an affection did he bare to his servant.
Towards the end of his reign he maintained him in
the court of France, both to learn fashions there,
and send intelligence thence ; and it will not
be amiss to insert the king's private instructions
unto him how he should behave himself in the
French court, partly for the rarity, partly for the
certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the
original of the king^s own hand, as foUoweth :

i. " First, he shall goe in the lord admiral's com-
" pany, and at the same lord's departing he shall
" have a letter to the French king, which the lord
admirall shall deliver, and present him to the
French king; and if it shall chance that the
" French king will give him any pension, entertain-
" ment, or reward at his being there for the time
" he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank his
" majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be
" appointed. Neverthelesse, when he is out of the
" court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pick-
" ering ^,

ii. " And at his setting forth shall carry with him
" four servants ; and if the wages amount to any
" great smnme (more than I give him) that the

^ [Ambassador at the French and supposed suitor to queen
court] ; afterwards knighted, Elizabeth.

CENT. XVI. f^ Britain. 89

" French king giveth him, to live there after thatA.D.i55a-

^ proportion, adyertising me of the same.

iii. " Also all this winter he shall study the
" tongue, and see the manner of the court, and
" advertise me of the occurrences he shall hear ;
** and if he be desirous to see any place notable or
" town, he may goe thither, asking leave of the
" king ; and shall behave himself honestly, more
*• following the company of gentlemen than pressing
•* into the company of the ladies there ; and his
** chief pastime shall be hunting and riding.

iv. " Also his apparell, he shall wear it so fine as
" shall be comely, and not much superfluous ; and
** the next sommer, when either the king goeth or
" sendeth any man of name into the warres to be
" his lieutenant, or to lead an army, he shall desire
** to goe thither ; and either himself or else shall
" will Mr. Pickering, to declare to the French king
" how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied
nor recompensed neither his majesties good enter-
tainment nor mine expectation who had sent him
over, if he should return, having so delicately and
idlely almost spent the time, without he did at
" this time of service be desirous to goe himself into
** the warres, by the which thing he might at this
time doe his majesty service, and also learn to doe
me service hereafter; yea, and his majesty to if
the case so required. And therefore, seeing this
•* nobleman shall now goe, that his request is to
" have leave to goe vrith him.

V. " Having said this to the French king, he shall
** depart into the warres, waiting on this nobleman
^' that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the
" divers fortifications of places, and advantages that

90 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 155 a. « the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct

'- — 1- ^^ of the armies ; as also the fashion of the skirmishes,

battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief
towns where any enterprises of weight have been
^^ done, he shall cause to be set out in black and
" white, or otherwise, as he may and shall send
" them hither to me, with advertisement of such
" things as have passed.

vi. " Furthermore, he shall at all times when he
" taketh money advertise me of it, and I shall send
" him. And so the next year being well spent,
« upon further advertisement, and taking leave of
" the French king, he shall return.

vii. " And if there arise or grow any doubt in any
" matter hereafter, in the which he shall need
" advise, he shall advertise by the post, and shall
" have answer thereof."

This Bamaby Fitzpatrick, after his return out of
France, was created by the king baron of Upper
Ossery in Ireland ^, and died a most excellent Pro-
testant (as hereafter we shall shew) in the reign of
queen Elizabeth.
Little 48. On the fifteenth of April the parliament ended

work in which had sat three months at Westminster, though
. mmu^ therein nothing of church matters determined, save
a penalty imposed on such who should strike or draw
weapon in church or churchyard % with the abolish-

^ [Queen Elizabeth, says '* and bringing in horses and
Burnet, II. 462. See also a " mules into the same ; where-
brief account of him in Strype, " by may be gathered what in-
Mem. II. 287.] •* decencies and profanations

« [On Feb. 20th, this year, ** were now practised in

a proclamation was issued, ** churches." Strype's Mem. II.

•• prohibiting frays and fight- 299.]
*' ings in cathedral churches,

CENT. XYi. of Britain. 91

ing of the general holy-days of St. Mary Magdalen a. d. 1552.

and St. George ; yet so that it should be lawful for '- — 1-

the latter to be solenmly celebrated by the knights
of the right honourable order of the garter; the
orders of which order were about this time reformed
and purged from some ancient superstitions ^

49. Six dolphins were taken in the Thames ^, An m pre-
three near Queenborough, and three above Green- [Aug. 8.]
wich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with
brackishness ; insomuch that many grave men dis-
pensed with their wisdom, and beheld them with
wonder, as not seen before on our shores: a fish
much loving man and music, swifter than all other
fishes, and birds too ; yea, than the swallow itself, if
Pliny say true ^ ; though all their celerity besteaded
them not here to escape the nets of the fishermen.
Their coming up so far was beheld by mariners as a
presage of foul weather at sea, but by statesmen as
a prodigious omen of some tempestuous mutations
in our land ; and particularly they suspected the
king's death, though for the present he was very
pleasant and merry in his progress about the coun-
try, as by his ensuing letter to his former favourite
(written in the next August) doth appear : Aug. 22.

" Edward.

** The cause why we have not hitherto written
" unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient
" messenger, partly because we meant to have some
" thing worthy writing ere we would write any
" thing. And therefore, being now almost in the
** midst of our journey which we have undertaken

this sommer, we have thought good to advertise ;

' [Burnet, II. 422.] Stow's Chron. 608.]

8 Godwin's Annals, [344. ^ Nat. Hist. ix. 8.

c«

92 The Church History book vxi.

A. D. 155a." now since our last letters, dated at Greenwich, we

. '■ — ^" departed from thence towards a thing farre con-

" trary to that wherein, as we perceive by your
" diligent advertisement, you and all the countrey,
" you are in, are occupied ; for whereas you all have
been occupied in killing of your enemies, in long
marchings, in painfull journeys, in extreme heat,
" in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults ; we have
been occupied in killing of wilde beasts, in plea-
sant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of faire
countreys, and rather have sought how to fortifie
" our own than to spoil another man's. And being
" thus determined, came to Guilford, from thence to
" Petworth, and so to Condray, a goodly house of
*' sir Anthony Browne's, where we were marvellously,
yea rather excessively banquetted. From thence
we went to Halvenaker, a pretty house besides
*• Chichester. From thence we went to Warblington,
a faire house of sir Richard Cotton's ; and so to
Waltham, a faire great old house, in times past
" the bishop of Winchester's, and now my lord
treasurer's house. In all these places we had both
good hunting and good cheer. From thence we
** went to Portsmouth town, and there viewed not
" onely the town itselfe and the haven, but also
" divers bulwarks, as Chatertons, Waselford, with
" other ; in viewing of which we finde the bulwarks
" chargeable, massey, well rampared, but ill fash-
" ioned, ill flanked, and set in unmeet places ; the
" town weak in comparison of that it ought to be,
too huge great, for within the walls are faire and
large closes, and much vacant room; the haven
" notable great, and standing by nature easie to be
" fortified ; and for the more strength thereof we

€4

€«
€€

CBHT. XVI. (if Britain. 93

" have devised two stronsf castles on either side of a. d. 1552.

" the haven, at the mouth thereof ; for at the mouth '- — '-

" the haven is not past ten score over, but in the
'^ middle almost a mile over, and in length for a
" mile and a half able to beare the greatest ship in
" Ghristendome. From thence wo went to Tichfield,
** the earl of Southampton's house \ and so to South-
ampton town. The citizens had bestowed for our
coming great cost in painting, repairing, and ram-
pairing of their walls. The town is handsome,
and, for the bignesse of it, as fair houses as be
" at London. The citizens made great cheer, and
many of them kept costly tables. From South-
ampton we came to Bewly, a little village in the
<* middle of the New Forrest ; and so to Christ-
" church, another little town in the same Forrest,
" where we now be. And having advertised you of
" all this, we thinke it not good to trouble you any
" farther with news of this countrey, but onely that
" at this time the most part of England (thanks be
" to Grod) is clear of any dangerous or infectious
" sicknesse. We have received all your letters, of
** the twenty-sixth of May, of the nineteenth of
" June, and the first of August. Thus fare you
" well.

" From Christchurch, the 22 of August."

But, leaving the king in his progress, we come to a three-
fold divi-
sion of
^ bishops.

i [Henry Wriothesley, the duke of Somerset, died 30th

yomig earl of Southampton. July, in 1550, as some think
His father, Thomas Wriothes- from disappointment. See Bur-
ley, who at the beginning of net, II. 9, 33, 289. Strype's
tms reign had been lord chan- Mem. II. 275. The young earl
cellor, and lost his place from was the king's godson and ward.
the powerful enmity of the Strype, ib.]

94 The Church History of Britain. book tii.

A.o. 1552-beboId the bishops in their visitations, and find them
^ — ^ divided into three sorts :

i. Zealous Protestants; as archbishop Cranmer,
bishop Ridley, Hooper, Farrer.

ii. Zealous papists ; as Grardiner, Tonstall, Bonner:
which three alone were deprived of their bishoprics,
and confined.

iii. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to
the king's laws ; as Heath, archbishop of York, and
many other bishops.

Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort,
which so complied under king Edward the Sixth,
should be so stubborn and obstinate under queen
Elizabeth ; whereof I can give but this reason
assigned : that, growing older and nearer their
graves, they grew more conscientious and faithful
to their own (though erroneous) principles ; it being
in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though
their younger years had been guilty of such preva-
rications ^.

^ [The far more probable and comply in 1548 who would ob-

just reason is to be found in ject to compliance in 1552.

the fact that the principles of The oath of supremacy could

the Reformation became more hardly have constituted the

developed in the reign of Eli- offence in Elizabeth's reign,

zabeth, and the foreign reform- and no articles of religion were

ers exercised a greater influence for some years enforced.]
than at the first. Many would

SECT. II.

DIGNISSIMO VIRO

CAROLO CHENEY,

DE COMITATU BUCK. ARMIGERO, MECCENATI
SUO MUNIFICENTISSIMO «.

EthdskmuSy Saaonvm monarcha^ decreto smrnvit, si massero
ascenderet^, ut ter Magnum mare tranfretaret per pro-
primn negotium suum, fuit deinde Taini dignus rectitu-
dine. In qua lege emicleanda^ mdhi c^uantillimi immo-
randum; qyrnm Ucet tUdy ut alia onmiay expedita^ aUis
forsikm aUqmd nodi ei subesse videattir,

I. Massere] Mercatorem designari in confesso est.
%. Magnum mare] Mediterra/newm intenditur, qm
nomine Sacrce Scriptures sefpius i/imotemt^.

» [Arms. Checquy or and
azure, a fess gules, fretty er-
mine. See the Visitations,
preserved in the Harleian Col-
lection of MSS., Nos. 1533
and 5 181. This gentleman
was tibe third son of Francis
Cheney, of Chesham Bays,
eaq^ high sheriff of the county
of JSucks. His mother's name
was Anne, a daughter of sir

Wm. Fleetwood, of Missenden
Magna, knight. The lady to
whom Fuller refers at the
close of the dedication was
Jane, daughter of the truly
noble William marquis of New-
castle.]

^ Spelmanni Concilia, 1. 406.

c Num. xxxiv. 6. Josh. i. 4,
and XV. 1 2.

96 The Church History book vii.

3. Proprium negotium] Qua claumila exdaditm- termle

genua, {Jactares dickata,) qui non mi Jurie, ted
DoTtUnis ratioaem reddUuri.

4. Taini] InldUgiwus melioris not<B generogum.

5. Dignufl rectitudino.] Olel hoc tacvM harhariem. 8ed

Mi verbis volmt Rex, ut c^seatur leo-Tunus, aique
eandem honoris gradum lortiatw.

Qaod ti, Ttr clariasime, illi secnlo tanfa c<mtigis9et felicUat, tit
tit tune temporig vixisses, quibus titulii te decorandum Jtex
iUe eentuitiet ? qvi, orio tuo nobilia, mare parvum, medium,
magDum, omnia, (muKis aqaaru/m terrarwaque moniibvt
»uperati»,) transimati ; idqm non turpia Iwri cauaa trf
namm mercibtts, aed aeienticB wgo, vt mentem doti&vt in-
atructam r^miarea.

Te ^itur in ipsimmo libri mei umbUico {quantwm paginae
scripfae, nondvm impressaa, cEatimare polm) collocandwa
curavi, eo conatlio, quo provida natura eoli inter planeias
meditim locmn aasignavii, lU ex ceqao, utrtnque totum opus
ntmine tuo ilhiatraretur.

Deus te tuaanque eonjugem non magia naialiwm ^lendore,
quam propriif virtvt^ma apedaiilem eouaque proiegat, dam
t» dubiwn venerii longiorve cm be(Uior veaira vita sk
r^atanda.

lATELY infonnation was g^ven to the
king's council, that much costly fur-
niture which wa8 embezzled might
very seasonably (such the king's pre-
sent occasions) and profitably be reco-
vered ; for private men's halls were hung with altar-
cloths, their tables and beds covered with copes
instead of carpets and coverlets. Many drank at
their daily meals in chalices ; and no wonder if, in
proportion, it came to the share of their horses to
be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if
first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title

CBNT. ZVI.

of Britain,

unto them, seizing on them was generally the price a. d. 15^2.

they had paid for them. Now, although four years '. — 1

were elapsed since the destruction of colleges and
chantries, and much of the best church ornaments
was transported beyond the seas, yet the privy
council thought this very gleaning in the stubble
would richly be worth the while, and that on strict
inquisition they should retrieve much plate in specie,
and more money for moderate fines of offenders
herein. Besides, whereas parish churches had still
many rich ornaments left in the custody of their
wardens, they resolved to convert what was super-
fluous or superstitious to the king's use ; to which
purpose commissions were issued out to some select
persons in every county, according to the tenor
following ^ :

d The original, under the
king's hand, was lent me by
Mr. Thomas Tresham, late of
Greddington in Northampton-
shire. [Notwithstanding the
great alienation of church lands,
and the stopping of part of the
revenues of several bishoprics^
together with the first-fruits,
which must have amounted to
a considerable sum on account
of the many removals in this
reign, the king's debts conti-
nued as oppressive as ever. In
1551 sir Thomas Gresham was
sent over to Antwerp to settle
the king's debts, and to take
up money there for the pay-
ment of them. See Strype's
Mem. II. 323, 344. To liqui-
date this money and pay his
debts, which now amounted to
300^000/., and to raise a fund
of 50,000/. for contingencies,
the king devised this course,

FULLER, VOL. IV.

among others : i . To gather
and coin the church plate ; for
which purpose this commission
was issued to several persons
of eminence in the different
counties, empowering them to
take away from the churches
and convert to the king's use
all such plate as was more
than barely necessary for cele-
brating the communion. At
this time also^ and for the same
purpose, the king resolved to
sell the belLmetal and the
lands of certain chantries, col-
leges, and houses. See Strype's
Mem. II. 34j. And this was
the reason why the promises
under which this bill passed
were never made good ; for the
preamble of the bill set forth,
** that since the converting
" these [the chantry lands] to
'^ godly uses, such as the en-
'* dowing of schools, provisions

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A.v.isB^'** Instructions given by the Kimfs Majesty to his

'■ — - " right trusty and welUbeloved Comin and Coun-

" seUoT the Marquis of Northampton *, and to the
" rest of his Highness" Commissioners appointed for
** the Survey of Church Goods within his Majesty^ s
" County of Northampton ^.

" Edward.
" First, upon the receipt of the same commission
" by any one of the same commissioners, he that so
" shall first receive the commission shall forthwith,
" with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the
" rest named in the same commission, and with
" them shall agree to meet and assemble with that
" speed they can for the execution of the same
" commission and these instructions. And if any of
" the said commissioners shall be dead, sick, or
otherwise be so absent out of the country for the
service of the king, that he cannot with speed
" attend the same in that case, the rest of the
** same commissioners, so that they be to the nimiber

((

" for the poor, and the aug-
'' menting of places in the
*• universities, could not be
'* done by parliament, they
'* therefore committed it to
*' the care of the king." And
they proceed to state that they
put him in possession of these
lands and revenues, '* and ap-
point these to be converted
to the maintenance of gram-
mar schools or preachers, and
** for the increase of vicarages."
See Burnet, II. 95. " Thus"
(to use honest Strype's words)
•* did this young prince mind

<«

((

" his royal estate, and look
•' after his treasure, as knowing
** it the very nerves and mar-
** row of the flourishing con-
" dition of a kingdom." lb. 347.
See also the account of the
selling of rectories, in Strype,
ib. 362.]

e [William Parr, brother to
queen Katharine, and a great
favourite with Edward VI.
Strype's Mem. II. 273.]

^ [This commission was re-
solved upon 21st April, 1552.
See king Edward's Journal,
74.]

CENT. XVI. ofBritaifis 99

^* appointed by the commission, shall not make a. 0.1551.
" any delay from the proceeding in the same com- _J — 1
" mission, but shall forthwith allot their sittings,
** assemblies, and meetings for the same commission,
" as in like cases hath been or shall be meet to be
*' used.

" Item, For their better and more certain pro-
" ceeding, the said commissioners shall, in such
** cases where none of the commissioners be cu^os
•* rottdorum of that county, ne hath been since the
" beginning of our reign, command the said custos
** rottdorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the
" peace of those parts, to bring or send unto them
" such books, registers, and inventories, as hath
•* heretofore anywise come to their hands, by inden-
** ture, touching the sums, numbers, and values of
« any goods, plate, jewels, vestments and bells, or
" omam^its of any churches, chapels, and such -like.
** And likewise the said commissioners shall send to
^* the bishops of every diocese wherein the said
" county is situate, or to their chancellors, commis-
** saries, or other ecclesiastical officers, in whose
hands or custody Hie like of the aforesaid inven-
tones «id registers hare command of them, and
every of them, they shall receive and take the
said books, registers, and inventories. And that
** done, the said commissioners shall compare both
« the same inventories ; that is to say, as well such
*• as they shall receive and take of the custos rottc-
** lorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the peace,
as of the bishops or other under-officers, and
according to the best, richest, and greatest inven-
** tories of the said commissioners shall proceed to
•* make their survey and inquiry ; and by the same

H 2

€€

100 The Church History book vii.

^^S'.US*** make the searches of the defaults and wants that

6 Ed. VI.

" shall be found. And generally the same com-

" missioners shall, pot only by the view of the said
" registers and inventories, but also by any other
" means they can better devise, proceed to the due
" search and inquisition of the wants and defaults
" of any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, vest-
" ments, bells, or ornaments.

Itemy For the more speedy obtaining of the said

registers and inventories, the said commissioners

shall receive special letters of commandment from

" our privy council for the delivery thereof, which

** letters the said commissioners shall deliver as they

" shall see occasion.

" Item, The said commissioners shall, upon their
" view and sujryey taken, cause due inventories to
** be made, by bills or books indented, of all manner
" of goods, plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments as yet
remaining, or anjrwise forthcoming and belonging
to any churches, chapels, fraternities, or gilds ;
" and the one part of the same inventories to send
" and return to our privy council, and the other to
" deliver to them in whose hands the said goods,
" plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments shall remain to
" be kept preserved. And they shall also give good
" charge and order that the same goods and every
" part thereof be at all times forthcoming to be
" answered, leaving nevertheless in every parish
" church or chapel of common resort one, two, or
" more chalices or cups, according to the multitude
" of the people in every such church or chapel, and
" also such other ornaments as by their discretion
" shall seem requisite for the divine service in every
" such place for the time.

9ENT. xvx. of Britain. 101

** And because we be infonned that in many A- 1>. 1552.

" places great quantities of the said plate, jewels, '■ — '-

" bells, and ornaments be embezzled by certain
** private men, contrary to our express eommand-
" ments in that behalf; the said commissioners shall
** substantially and justly inquire and attain the
" knowledge thereof, by whose default the same is
" and hath been, and in whose hands any part of
*' the same is come. And in tliat point the said
commissioners shall have good regard that they
attain to certain names and dwelling-places of
every person and persons that hath sold, alienated,
" embezzled, taken or carried away, and of such
** also as have counselled, advised, and commanded
" any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells,
** vestments, and ornaments to be taken or carried
" away, or otherwise embezzled. And these things
" they shall, as certainly and duly as they can, cause
" to be searched and understand.

" Upon a full search and inquiry whereof, the
" said commissioners, four or three of them, shall
" cause to be called before them, also the persons by
" whom any of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells,
ornaments, or any other the premises, have been
alienated, embezzled, or taken away ; or by whose
means or procurement the same or any part
thereof hath been attempted ; or to whose hands
or use any of the same or any profit of the same
hath grown ; and by such means as to their dis-
*' cretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into
** their the said commissioners' hands, to our use,
** the said plate, jewels, bells, and other the premises
•* 80 alienated, or the true and just value thereof,
** certifying unto our privy council the names of all

H 3

102 7%e Church Histort/ book vii.

A.D. 155a," gxich as refuse to stand to or obey their order

6 Ed. VI. •'

" touching the redelivery and restitution of the

" same, or the just value thereof : to the intent that
•* as cause and reason shall require every man may
answer to his doings in this behalf.
" Finally, our pleasure is that the said commis-
sioners in all their doings shall use such sober
and discreet manner of proceeding, as the effect
** of this commission may go forward with as much
" quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet
** of the multitude as may be, using to that end such
*^ wise persuasions in all places of their sessions as
^ in respect of the place and disposition of the
" people may seem to their wisdoms most expe-
dient ; giving also good and substantial order for
the stay of the inordinate and greedy covetous-
** ness of such disordered people as have or shall go
** about the alienating of any the premises ; so as,
according to reason and order, such as have or
t shall contemptuously offend in this behalf may
receive reformation, as for the quality of their
** doings shall be requisite."

In pursuance of these their instructions, the king's
commissioners in their respective counties recovered
much, and discovered more, of church wealth and
ornaments ; for some were utterly embezzled by
persons not responsible, and there the king must
lose his right ; more were concealed by parties not
detectable, so cunningly they carried their stealths,
seeing every one who had nimmed a church-bell
did not ring it out for all to hear the sound
thereof. Many potent persons, well known to have
such goods, shuffled it out with their greatness.

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 108

mutually conniTed at therein by their equals, fellow- a. d. 155a.

•^ J ^ 6 Ed. VI.

offenders in the same kind. However, the commis-
sioners regained more than they expected, consider-
ing the distance of time and the cold scent they
followed so many years after the dissolution. This
plate and other church utensils were sold, and ad-
vanced much money to the exchequer. An author fif
telleth us, that, amongst many which they found,
they left but one silver chalice to every church;
too narrow a proportion to populous parishes, where
they ought have left two at the least, seeing, for
expedition-sake at great sacraments, the minister at
once delivereth the wine to two communicants.
But they conceived one cup enough for a small
parish, and that greater and richer were easily able
to purchase more to themselves.

2. All this income rather stayed the stomach Durham
than satisfied the hunger of the king's exchequer ; diLdv^
for the allaying whereof, the parliament, now sitting,
conferred on the crown the bishopric of Durham.
This may be called the English Herbipolis or Wurtz-
burg, it being true of both,

Drmehnia sola^ jvdicat erne et stola.

The bishop whereof was a palatine or secular prince,
and his seal in form resembleth royalty in the
roundness thereof, and is not oval, the badge of
plain episcopacy. Rich and entire the revenues of
this see, such as alone would make a considerable
addition to the crown ; remote the situation thereof,
out of southern sight, and therefore, if dissolved, the
sooner out of men's minds. Besides, Cuthbert Tun-

9 Sir John Hayward, [Life of Edward VI. 373.]

H 4

104

The Church HisttiTy

BOOK ni.

A. D. 1551. stall, the present bishop of Durham, was in durance^

'- — ^and deprived for his obstinacy*; so that so stubborn

a bishop gave the state the fairer quarrel with so
rich a bishopric \ now annexed to the king's
revenue I

h [He was taken from his
house *' by Colharbard, in
'• Thames Street," 20th Dec.
1 55 1 » and sent to the Tower.
Stow, 607.]

i [Oct. II, 1552. King Ed-
ward's Journal, 95.]

^ Yet the duke of North-
umberland either was or wa»
to be possessor thereof. [See
Burnet, II. 401.]

' [Burnet says that the ac-
count of the suppression of
this bishopric has been much
misrepresented, and quotes the
preamble of the act for its dis-
solution, which would make it
appear that it was the intention
of the council that as the com-
pass of that bishopric was so
large, "extending to so many
'* shires so far distant, that
" it could not be sufficiently
•* served by one bishop, to have
" two bishoprics for that dio-
" cese, the one at Duresme,
" which should have 2000
" marks revenue, and another
" at Newcastle, which should
'* have 1000 marks revenue j
^' and also to found a cathedral
•* church at Newcastle, with a
" deanery and chapter, out of
*• the revenues of the bishop-
" ric.*' II. 443. As however,
in the May following, the tem-
poralities were turned into a
county palatine, and bestowed
upon the duke of Northumber-
land, we may well doubt whe.

ther the act above recited was
ever seriously intended to be
carried into effect. Every
thing almost which tended to
the external prosperity of the
church was rendered ineffectual
by overruling statesmen and
the mixing up of laymen in
ecclesiastical commissions. The
chantry lands were given away,
prebends were bestowed on
noblemen who never entered
into orders, (Burnet, II. 442.
Strype's Mem. II. (283,) 280,)
six of the best were promised
in the early part of this reign
to the duke of Somerset, (Bur-
net, II. 14,) the see of Glou-
cester was annihilated and
converted into an exempted
archdeaconry, (ib. II. 418;)
whilst Ponet from Winchester,
(Strype's Mem. II. 526,) and
Hooper from Worcester, re-
ceived only a certain annuity
out of the regular incomes of
their sees. To Aldrich, bishop
of Carlisle, the king gave
license, in 1550, to sell to lord
Clinton his lordship of Horn-
castle, Overcompton, Nether-
compton, Ashby, Marning,
Wilsby, Haltam, Conesby,
Bough ton, Thimelby, Morley,
Moram, and Endesby^ at one
time ; and shortly after granted
to the same lord a lease for
200/. a year upon the bishop
of Hereford's house in London.
Strype's Mem. II. 23a. From

CBVT. XVI.

of Britain,

105

8. Well it was for this see, thouffh dissolved, that a. d. 1552.

6 Ed VI

the lands thereof were not dispersed by sale unto \ — L

several persons, but preserved whole and entire, as ^^^^^
to the main, in the crown. Had such a dissipation 3V®«"

* Mary.

of the parts thereof been made, no less than a state
miracle had been requisite for the recollection
thereof. Whereas now, within two years after,
queen Mary restored Tunstall to this bishopric, and
this bishopric to itself, resettling all the lands on the
same.

4. By this time, such learned men as were em- a wood,
ployed by the king to reform the ecclesiastical laws ^wem^,
had brought their work to some competent perfec- ^*^®
tion. Let me enlarge myself on this subject of canons.
concernment, for the reader's satisfaction. When
the pope had engrossed to his courts the cognizance
of all causes which either looked, glanced, or pointed

the same ivriter we learn that
thirty.four rich manors were
alienated from the see of Lin-
cohi, whilst Holbeach was its
bishop, '^ a true favourer of the
" g08pel/'(saysStrype,ib.463;)
and uiat Veysey^ the bishop of
Exeter, the revenues of whose
see was valued in the king's book
at 15652. 1 3 J. 6%d., so impaired
his bishopric by dishonest prac-
tices, as that it was valued only
at gooZ. in the time of his
successor. Strype's Mem. II.
277. See also pp.361, 217,
ajra.

No wonder that the pastoral
function found but little en-
couragement in such a state of
things, and that the clergy
were compelled to betake
themselves to mean employ.

ments, in order to obtain a
bare subsistence; ''so that at
" that time," as Burnet states,
** many clergymen were car-
" penters and tailors, and some
** kept alehouses." Ref.II. 41 7.
Had this reign extended to
many more years, ^vith the
same fatal success against the
church, when prebendal stalls
were turned into stables for
the king's use, (see Strype's
Grindd, 5, and Mem. II. 63,)
and church lands and plates
were the usueJ rewards of
griping courtiers, the church,
which has not to this day reco-
vered from the ill effects of the
wounds it then received, must
in all human probability have
sunk under such repeated
evils.]

106 Tke Church History book vii.

^eEd^vV^^ the least degree at what was reducible to religion,
he multiplied laws to magnify himself; whose prin-
cipal design therein was not to make others good,
but himself great ; not so much to direct and defend
the good, to restrain and punish the bad, as to en-
snare and entangle both: for such the number of
their Clementines, Sextines, Intra- and Extravagants,.
provincials, synodals, glosses, sentences, chapters,
summaries, rescripts, breviaries, long and short cases,
&c., that none could carry themselves so cautiously
but would be rendered obnoxious, and caught within
the compass of offending. Though the best was,
for money they might buy the pope's pardon, and
thereby their own innocence.
Two and 5. Hereupon, when the pope's power was banished
laton of out of England, his canon law, with the numerous
^^canon j^^^j^ ^^^ brauchos thereof, lost its authority in the

king's dominions. Yet, because some gold must be

presumed amongst so much dross, grain amongst so

much chaff, it was thought fit that so much of the

canon law should remain as was found conformable to

the word of God and laws of the land ; and therefore

king Henry the Eighth was empowered by act of

parliament to elect two and thirty able persons to

reform the ecclesiastical laws, though in his reign

very little to good purpose was performed thei'ein.

Contracted 6. But the design was more effectually followed

ki^^Ed-^ in the days of king Edward the Sixth, reducing the

^^*^® number of two and thirty to eight, thus mentioned

in his letters-patents dated at Westminster the last

year, November 11°^:

^ [Burnet, II. 404, III. 398.]

CZNT. XVI.

^Britain.

107

Bishops.

Thomas Cranmer, of Canterbur)'.
Thomas Goodrich, of Ely.

Divines.
Peter Martyr. Richard Cox.

Cicilimis and Canonists.

Dr. William May.

Dr. Rowland Taylor, of Iladley.

Common Lawyei's.
John Lucas, esq. Richard Goodrick, esq.

It was not only convenient, but necessary, that
common lawyers should share in making these
church constitutions, because the same were to be
built not only sure in themselves, but also symme-
trical to the municipal laws of the land. Tliese
eight had power, by the king's patents, to call in to
their assistance what persons they pleased, and are
said to have used the pens of sir John Cheke and
Walter Haddon, doctor in law, to turn their laws
into Latin °.

A.D. 155*.
6 Ed. VI.

'^ [A design for refonning
the canon law was entertained
as early as the year 1 544, when
Cranmer obtained an act em-
powering the king to name, for
his life, sixteen spiritual and
sixteen temporal persons^ to
examine all canons and consti-
tutions, &c., and to draw up
such ecclesiastical laws as they
might deem fitting for the spi-
ritual courts. In conformity
with this^ a letter was framed
ready for the king's signature^

but which, from some reason
now unknown, was neyer
signed. See Strype's Cran.
190-2, and 778. Again, in
1549, the same subject was
apparently taken up ; but no-
thing was done till 155 1, when
a commission was issued em-
powering eight bishops, eight
divines, eight civil and eight
common lawyers, (afterwards
reduced to eight,) who per-
formed the work, which was
revised by the archbishop. The

108 The Church History book vii.

A. D. i5s». 7. However, these had only a preparing, no con-

1 eluding power ; so that, when they had ended their

w*not work, two things were wanting to make these eccle-
8*?™!^ siastical canons (thus by them composed) have the
authority, validity of laws : first, an exact review of them by
others, to amend the mistakes therein ; as where they
call the Common Prayer-Book then used in England
proprium et perfectum omnis divini cultus judicem et
magistrum^^ a title truly belonging only to the scrip-
ture ; secondly, a royal ratification thereunto, which
this king (prevented by death) nor any of his succes-
sors ever stamped upon it. Indeed, I find in an
author?, (whom I am half-ashamed to allege,) that
" Doctor Haddon, anno 12 or 13 Elizabeth, delivered
" in parliament a Latin book concerning church dis-
" cipline, written in the days of king Edward the
" Sixth, by Mr. Cranmer and sir John Cheke, fee,"
which could be no other than this lately mentioned ;
" which book was committed by the house, to be
" translated, unto the said Mr. Haddon, Mr. George
" Bromley, Mr. Norton, &c.," I conceive into Eng-
lish again ; and never after can I recover any men-
tion thereof, save that some thirteen years since it
was printed in London ^.
A silent 8. A parliament was called in the last of this
tion. king's reign, wherein no church matter was med-
dled with, save that therein a subsidy granted by

result of their labours was pub- II. 303.]

lished by archbishop Parker, o DeDivinisOfficiis, cap. i6,

into whose hands the MS. came, [p- 9 1^ ed. 1640.]

in the year 1571, under the p John Penri, at the end of

title of " Reformatio legum his preface to his book, enti-

" Ecclesiasticarum/'&c, which tied "Reformation no Enemy

was again reprinted in 1640. *' to her Majesty," [ed. 1590.]

See Strype's Cran. 388. Mem. <1 Anno 1640,

GfiVT. XTi. of Britain. 109

the clergy was confirmed; such monies being the ^-^ '^53-

legacy, of course, which all parliaments (fairly com-

ing to a peaceable end) bequeath to their sovereign.
As for the records of this convocation, they are but
one degree above blanks, scarce affording the names
of the clerks assembled therein. Indeed, they had
no commission from the king to meddle with church
business ; and every convocation in itself is bom
deaf and dumb, so that it can neither hear com-
plaints in religion, nor speak in the redress thereof,
till first Ephphathd, Be thou opened, be pronounced
unto it by commission from royal authority.

9. Now, the true reason why the king would not The true
entrust the diffiisive body of the convocation with a thereof.
power to meddle with matters of religion, was a

just jealousy which he had of the ill affection of
the major part thereof, who under the fair rind of
Protestant profession had the rotten core of Romish
fTuperstition. It was therefore conceived safer for
the king to rely on the ability and fidelity of some
select confidants, cordial to the cause of religion,
than to adventure the same to be discussed and
decided by a suspicious convocation.

10. However, this barren convocation is entitled Forty two

iti A»"i f •v\ •%* • It* Articles of

the parent of those Articles of Religion (forty-two RebgiBn,
in number) which are printed with this preface, king's Ca-
Arliculi de quihus in synodo Londinensi^ Anno^^"^^^^'
Domini 1552, inter episcopoSy et alios eruditos vivos
convenerat^. With these was bound a Catechism,
younger in age, (as bearing date of the next year,)

' [These are printed in WiU collated with the Articles of
kins, IV. 73; in English by 1562, Coll. II. App. 75; as also
Burnet, II. ii. 297, and Collier, in Heylyn's Hist, of Ref. app.]

110 The Church History book vii.

A.D. 1553. but of the same extraction, relating to this convo-
'• — ^ cation, as author thereof. Indeed it was first com-

piled (as appears by the king's patent prefixed) by a

single divine, charactered pious and learned % but

afterwards perused and allowed by the bishops and

other learned men, (understand it, the convocation,)

and by royal authority commended to all subjects,

commanded to all schoolmasters to teach it their

scholars.

Conaented H. Yet very few in the convocation ever saw it,

consented much less explicitly consented thereunto ; but these

TOn^)ca! had formerly, it seems, passed over their power (I

^^ should be thankful to him who would produce the

original instrument thereof) to the select divines

appointed by the king, in which sense they may be

said to have done it themselves by their delegates,

to whom they had deputed their authority : a case

not so clear but that it occasioned a cavil at the

next convocation, in the first of queen Mary *, when

the papists therein assembled renounced the legality

of any such former transactions "*

The death Procious king Ed Ward the Sixth now changed his
waixTuie crown of gold for one of glory. We will something
WM noTcut ^^IS'^ge ourselves, to give posterity his true charac-
^\h^^" ter, never meeting more virtues in so few years.
beUy, as is For his birth, there goeth a constant tradition that,
reported. CsBsar-like, he was cut out of the belly of his

« *' A pio quodam et erudito " [Neither these Articles

" viro conscripta," in the king's nor the Catechism were ever

patent. [Probably Ponet or approved by convocation, al-

Nowell. It is printed in Wil- though Cranmer endeavoured

kins, IV. 79.] to have them enforced. See

t See more thereof in the Burnet, III. Coll. p. 202, fol.

next year. ed. Heylyn*s Ref. p. 120.]

CEKT. XVI.

of Britain.

Ill

moth^, Jane Seymour*; though a great person ofA.D.1553.

honour, deriving her intelligence mediately from '—^

such as were present at her labour, assured me of
the contrary. Indeed, such as shall read the calm
and serene style of that letter which I have seen
written (though not by) for that queen, and signed
with her own signet after her delivery, cannot con-
jecture thence that any such violence was offered
unto her. But see the letter y :

By the Queen.
" Bight trusty and welbeloved, we greet youQ^een
** well ; and forasmuch as by the inestimable good- ter, after
" nesse and grace of Almighty God, we be delivered very, to the
" and brought in childe-bed of a prince, conceived J^unc^L *^
in most lawfiiU matrimony, between my lord the
kings majestie and us : doubting not but that for
the love and affection which ye bear unto us, and

^ [Tliis opinion that Edward
the Sixth's birth was not ef-
fected by the Csesarean opera-
tion, is rendered more probable
when it is considered that queen
Jane survived her delivery at
least twelve days. See the
note, p. 645, and Strype's Mem.
II. 6. The editor of the State
Papers {vol. I. p. 573) observes
that " in a despatch to the am-
*' bassadors of France, (which
** will be hereafter published,)
** her death is distinctly as-
" cribed to her having been
*' saffered to take cold, and to
*• eat improper food." This
accords with the account given
by Leland, in his " Genethlia-
" con Edvardi Principis Cam.
'* briae," which was published

in 1543 '

Cruciatus acerbus

Distorsit vacuum letali tormine

verUrem.
Frigora crediderim temere con"

tracta fuisse
In causa ; superat vis morbi/* ^c.

According to Strype, in his
review of sir J. Hayward's Life
of Edward VI., (Mem. II. 473,)
this story of Edward's being
brought into the world by sur-
gical art, and by the sacrifice of
his mother's life, was invented
by Nicholas Saunders, the Je-
suit, from whom it was bor-
rowed by sir J. Hay ward, and
adopted in his Life of Edward.
See Kennet's History of Eng-
land, II. p. 273.]

y [Cotton MSS. Nero, C. x.
p. I. compared with the ori-
ginal.]

112

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A.D. 1553. « to the commonwealth of this realm, the knowledge

" thereof should be joyous and glad tidings unto

" you, we have thought good to certifie you of the
** same, to the intent ye might not onely render
" unto God eondigne thanks and praise for so great
a benefice, but also continually pray for the long
continuance and preservation of the same here in
this life, to the honour of God, joy and pleasure
" of my lord the king and us, and the universall
" weal, quiet, and tranquility of this whole realm.

" Given under our signet, at my lords manour of
** Hampton Court, the XII. day of October*," [1537.]

And although this letter was soon after seconded
with another of a sadder subject*, here inserted,
subscribed by all the king's physicians, yet neither
doth that so much as insinuate any impression of

z [The date of this letter
must be either the 1 7th, which
is the first Wednesday after the
1 2th of Oct. 1537, or the 24th
of Oct., which will be the Wed-
nesday following. The latter
date is adopted by Strype,
(Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 5,) fol-
lowing a MS. in the Heralds'
College ; and by the editor of
the State Papers, vol. i. p. 572.
Hall and the other chroniclers
fix her death on the 14th, but
this may easily be a misprint
for 24; and it is not at all
unusual for these chroniclers,
when copying from some ear-
lier historian, to transcribe even
his misprints. In support of
the opinion of Strype, there is
printed in the State Papers
(ib. p. 573) a letter from sir
J. Russell to Cromwell, dated

24th of Oct., in which the
writer says: " Sir, the king
" was determined as this day
*' to have removed to Asher ;
*' and because the queen was
" very sick this night and this
" day, he tarried ; but tomor-
'* row, God willing, he intend-
" eth to be there. If she
" amend, he will go ; and if
" she amend not, he told me
" this day he could not find in
" his heart to tarry, for I en-
" sure you she hath been in
** great danger yesternight and
" this day, but thanked be God
** she is somewhat amended ;
" and if she scape this night,
" the physicians be in good
'' hope that she is past all
*' danger."

* Ibid. p. 2. See also State
Papers, vol. I. p. 572.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 113

violence on her person, as hastening her death, but a. 0.1553.

seems rather to cast the cause thereof on some other '■ — -

distemper.

" These shall be to advertise your lordship of the a sadder
" queens estate. Yesterday afternoon she had a her phyw-
** natural lax, by reason whereof she began some- 2^^,"°*^
what to lighten, and, as it appeared, to amend,
and so continued till toward night. All this night
** she hath been very sick, and doth rather appare
" than amend. Her confessour hath been with her
grace this morning, and hath done that to his
office appertaineth, and even now is preparing to
minister to her grace the sacrament of unction.
" At Hampton Court this Wednesday morning, at
" viii. of the clock.

" Your lordships at commandement,

" Thomas Rutland.
" Robert Carliolen.
" Edward Bayntun.
" John Chambre, priest.
" William Butt.
" George Owen^."

Impute we here this extreme unction adminis-
tered to her, partly to the over-officiousness of some
superstitious priest, partly to the good lady's inabi-
lity, perchance insensible what was done unto her in
such extremity; otherwise we are confident that
her judgment, when in strength and health, dis-

'^ [From the Cotton MSS. edition, which led Fuller into

NerOt C. x. p. 2. The signa- the error of supposing that all

tures to this letter were printed the names were those of the

very incorrectly in the former king*s physicians.]

FULLEBi VOL. IV. I

114 TJie Church History book vii.

A. D. 1553. liked such practices^ being a zealous Protestant^:

1 1 which unction did her as little good as the twelve

masses said for her soul in the city of London at
the commandment of the duke of Norfolk, whether
he did it to credit their religion with the counte-
nance of so great a convert, or did it out of the
nimiety of his own love and loyalty to the queen,
expressing it according to his own judgment, without
the consent, if not against the will, of the queen's
nearest kindred.
Prince Ed- 12. But, leaving the mother, let us come to the

wardiiness SOU, who, as he saith of himself in the manuscript of
m earning, j^.^ j.^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ g^^ ^.^ years bred and brought

up amongst the women, and then consigned to mas-
culine tuition under doctor Richard Cox and sir
John Cheke, who taught him Latin, and John Bel-
main, whdT instructed him in the French tongue ^.
How great and sudden his proficiency in learning
was, will appear by this letter, written with his own
hand to his father, when about eight years old.
And although some may cavil this letter not to be
the prince's, but Choke's or Cox's in the prince, yet
the very matter and style will attest it the genuine
issue of his infant genius.

His letter " LitersB moae semper habent unum argumentum,

fether. °^' " rex nobilissime, atque pater illustrissime, id est,

" in omnibus epistolis ago tibi gratias pro beneficen-

" tia tua erga me maxima. Si enim ssepius multo

c [Probably unction was ad- church were used, as may be

ministered in this instance by seen in the account given of it

order of Henry. In the cele- by Strype, Mem. II. 6, 7. See

bration of her funeral many also State Papers, p. 574.]
ceremonies of the Romish ^ [Burnet, II. ii. 5.]

CBNT. XVI. of Britain, 115

"* ad te literas exararem, nuUo tamen quidem modoA.p. 1553-

, ,. 7 Ed. VI.

" potui pervenire officio literarum ad magnitudinem

" benignitatis tuse erga me. Quia enim potuit com-
^* pensare beneficia tua erga me ? Nimirum nullus
" qui non est tarn magnus rex ac nobilis princeps,
'* ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem
" pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mibi, quod
'^ fiusis mihi, quae nuUo modo compensare possim,
'* Bed tamen adnitar, et faciam quod in me est, ut
" placeam majestati tuse, atque precabor Deum, ut
•* diu te servet incolumem. Vale rex nobilissime
** atque pater illustrissime.

^ Majestati tuse obsequentissimus filius,

'^ Edouardus princeps ^-

" Hatfeldiae, vicesimo septimo Septembris."

With the increase of his age his writing was Another to
improved, both in the letter, matter, and phrase tS'i^j ""
thereof, as appeareth by what he wrote in Latin ^*"''
some months after, to his mother-in-law, queen
Katherine Parr, in thankfulness for the new year's
gift (the king's and her own picture) she had sent
unto him. One may charitably believe that so
learned a lady understood the letter without an
interpreter; but sure it is she communicated the
same to the king, who joyfully accepted thereof ^

" Quod non ad te jam diu scripserim, rcgina
^ illustrissima, atque mater charissima, in causa
*' fiut, non negligentia, sed studium.

" Non enim hoc feci, ut nunquam omnino scribe-
" rem, sed ut accuratius scriberem. Quare spero

« Cotton Lib. [ibid. p. 3.] <" Cotton Lib. [ib. p. 5.]

116 The Church History book tii.

A.D. 1553.^* te futuram contentam et gavisuram, quod non
^ ' ' ** scripserim. Tu enim velles me proficere in omni
^^ honestate et pietate, quod est signum insignis et
^^ diutumi tui amoris erga me. Atque hunc amorem
^^ multis beneficiis mihi declarastii et praeoipue hac
^* strena, quam proximo ad me misisti, in qua regiae
*' majestatis, et tua effigies ad vivum expressa oon-
'' tinetur. Nam plurimum me delectat vestras ima-
*^ gines absentium contemplari, quos lubentissime
^* videre cupio praesentes, ac quibus maxime turn
'^ natura, tum officio devinctus sum. Quamobrem
^^ majores tibi gratias ago, ob banc strenam quam si
^' misisses ad me preciosas vestes, et aurum cselatum,
'^ aut quidvis aliud eximium. Deus tuam celsitu-
" dinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet inco-
" lumem.

^* Filius celsitudini tuse obsequentissimus,

" Edouaedus princeps.

^' Hartfordise, decimo Januarii."

A letter to Now OUT hand is in^ but one letter more, (but in
HaiXd. <l&te some months before the last,) to his uncle, earl
of Hartford*^, and we have done; for if papists
superstitiously preserve the fingers, teeth, yea, locks
of hair of their pretended saints, wander not if I
prize the smallest relics of this gracious prince^
never as yet presented to public view.

'^ Natura movet me ut recorder tui avuneule
^^ charissime, etsi negotia tua impediunt te ne videas
*' me, ideo do lit^ras ad te, quae literee ferent tes-
^^ timonium recordationis mesD, quam habeo de te.

» [Edward Seymour.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 117

•* Quod si haberem ullum melius monumentiimA.D. 1553.

** benevolentise meae erga te, quam literae sunt, illud

^ ad te mitterem. Puto autem te accepturum literas
meas bene, non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro
benevolentia soriptoris. Et tu non eris adeo laetus
in accipiendis Uteris a me, ut ego gaudebo, si
^ intellexero te in bonam partem accepisse illas,
^ quod puto te facturum. Optime valeas in Christo
" Jesu K

** E. Prineeps.

** Hunsdonise, octavo Novembris/'

Such was the piety of this young prince, thatAninstance
being about to take down something which was '^^^*
above his reach, one of his playfellows proffered him
a bossed-plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten
him to take what he desired. Perceiving it a Bible,
with holy indignation he refiised it, and sharply
reproved the offerer thereof; it being unfit he should
trample that under his feet which he was to treasure
up m his head and heart. How many nowadays,
unable in themselves to achieve their own wicked
ends, make God's word their pedestal, that standing
thereon they may be not the holier, but the higher,
and the better advantaged, by abusing a piety, to
attain their own designs.

15« When crovmed king, his goodness increased And an ex-
with his greatness; constant in his private devotions, ^ of tibe^
and as successful as fervent therein, witness this^J^^^*^
particular: sir John Cheke, his schoolmaster, fellP^y®^-
desperately sick ; of whose condition the king care-
fully inquired every day. At last his physicians told

^ [Cotton Lib. ib. p. 7.]
I3

118 The Church History book vii.

^•^'55^3- him that there was no hope of his life, being given

over by them for a dead man. " No," saith king

Edward, "he will not die at this time; for this
" morning I begged his life from God in my prayers,
" and obtained it." Which accordingly came to
pass, and he soon after, against all expectation, won-
derfully recovered. This was attested by the old
earl of Huntingdon ^ bred up in his childhood with
king Edward, unto sir Thomas Cheke, still surviving,
about eighty years of age.
His exact 14, jje kept an exact account ^, written with his

diary. *

own hand, (and that a very legible one,) of all
memorable accidents, with the accurate date thereof.
No high honour was conferred, bishopric bestowed,
state office disposed of, no old fort repaired, no new
one erected, no bullion brought in, no great sums
sent forth of the land, no ambassadors dispatched
hence, none entertained here ; in a word, no matter
of moment transacted, but by him, with his own
hand^ it was recorded : whose notes herein, though
very particular, are nothing trivial; though short,
not obscure, as formerly we have made use of some
of those which concern our history.
His good 15. Whilst in health, his body was no less active

archery and • .ji t • .i .i* i •

quick wit. iH cxerciso than his mmd quick in apprehension.
To give one instance of both together: one day,
being shooting at butts, (a manful and healthful
pastime, wherein he very much delighted,) he hit
the very mark. The duke of Northumberland^ being
present, and, as I take it, betting on his side, " Well
" shot, my liege," quoth he. " But you shot nearer

i
k

Francis Hastings.] Hist, of Ref. II. ii. p. i , sq.]

Trinted entire by Burnet, 1 [John Dudley.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

119

the mark/' returned the king, " when you shot offA. 0.1553.

** my good uncle Somerset's head." And it is gene '■ — '-

rally conceived that grief for his death caused king
Edward's consumption, who succeeded not to any
consumptive inclination, as hereditary from his ex-
traction, from a father but little past, and a mother
just in the strength of, their age.

16. However, I find in a popish writer ™, that it An unoer-

tain report.

was said "that the apothecary who poisoned him,
" for the horror of the offence and disquietness of
" his conscience, drowned himself; and that the
" laundress which washed his shirt lost the skin of
" her fingers." But if his history be no better than
his divinity, we that justly condemn the one can
do no less than suspect the other.

17. We will conclude this king's most pious life The prayer
with that his most devout prayer on his death-bed, ward on his
which God heard and graciously answered, for the ^
good of the church of England °.

" Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable
" and v^rretched life, and take me among thy chosen.
" Howbeit not my will, but thy vdll be done. Lord,
** I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou
knowest how happy it were for me to be with
thee ; yet for thy chosen's sake send me life and
" health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord
** God, blesse thy people, and save thine inherit-

m [Jerusalem and Babel^ or
the] Image of both Churches,
p. 423. [Written by P.D.M.,
that is, Matthew JPattison, a
Romanist. Upon this and other
reports, see Strype's Mem. II.

4*90

^ Fox, Acts and Monuments^

&c., [[II. 787. A Latin version
of this prayer was published as
early as the year 1554, by Val.
PoUanus, in his "Vera expo-
" sitiodisputationisinstitutsein
" Synodo Ecclesiastica, Lon-
"dini, i8th Oct., 1553," ed.
1554. i2mo.]

I 4

120

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A. D. 1553." ance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen people of

Hf^llll " England. Oh my Lord God, defend this realm

" from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that

" I and my people may praise thy holy name, for

" thy son Jesus Christ's sake ®."

strong.

Opposen of 17. One of the last sermons king Edward heard,
^^Jturgy^^ preached before him by Hugh Latimer, at what
time their party began to spread and increase, who
opposed the Liturgy; witness this passage in his
sermon p : " I have heard say, when the good queen
'^ that is gone had ordained in her house daily
" prayer, both before noon and after noon, the ad-
" miral getteth him out of the way, like a mole
" digging in the earth. He shall be Lot's vidfe to
'' me as long as I live. He was, I heard say, a
" covetous man, a covetous man indeed : I would
" there were no more in England. He was, I heard
" say, an ambitious man : I would there were no
" more in England. He was, I heard say, a seditious
" man, a contemner of common prayer : I would
" there were no more in England. Well ! he is

o [Fox subjoins, (ibid.) :
** As the time approached when
" it pleased Almighty God to
'* call this young king from us,
*' which was the sixth day of
** July, the year above said,
" about three hours before his
*' death, this godly child, his
" eyes being closed, speaking
" to himself, and thinking none
'' to have heard him, made
" this prayer which foUoweth,
" * Lord God, deliver me/ &c.
'* Then turned he his face, and
seeing who was by him, said
unto them, 'Are ye so nigh?

c«

I thought ye had been fur.

ther off/ Then D. Owen
** said, * We heard you speak

to yourself, but what you

said we know not.' He then,
" after his fashion smilingly,
" said, ' I was praying to God.*
" The last words of his pangs
"were these: 'I am faint;
" Lord have mercy upon me,
*^ and take my spirit V "]

P Latimer's Sermons, printed
anno 1607, p. 83. [The passage
occurs in the seventh sermon
preached before king Edward
VI., p. 217, ed. 1758.]

CXKT. XVI.

of Britain.

121

" eone: I would he had left none like him behind." a. d. 1553.

A passage so infonnative to the church history of '- — '-

that age must not pass without some observations

thereon :

^^^ fc

Tke good queen is gme :] This was queen Katharine Parr,

the relict of king Henry the Eighth, who some two years

since died in child-bed <i.

Tls admiral il This was Thomas lord Seymour, her
husband.

GMeik limadf aui of the way :] Here is the question,
on what terms he absented himself, whether on

Popish^

In proof whereof he is
compared to Lot^s wife,
which importeth a look-
ing back and reflection
on former practice.

or Nonconformist,

Bemg termed herein
seditious, and not super-
stitious. It intimates
that a factious principle
made him distaste the
Gonunon Prayer.

A wiUenmer af the Common Prayer y I wish there were no
more:'\ This probably relates unto a potent party dis-
aflfected to the Liturgy, which now began to be very con-
siderable in England, but, if the premises be rightly col-
lected, much to blame in the judgment of godly master
Latimer ^

18. The dislikers of the Liturgy bare themselves
high upon the judgment of master Calvin, in his

4 [She died in September,
1548, (Stow, 596,) before she
liadbeen married twelve months,
not without suspicion of ill-
usage from her husband, if the
evidence of lady Tyrwhitt (who
waa a political tool of North-
umberland and his party) may
be relied on. See Hayne's
State Papers, 103. Burnet, II.

' [And much blamed by
Bucer and Peter Martyr. See
the extracts from their letters
in Burnet, II. 319. Though no
inference as to the admiral's
religious opinions can be drawn
from this, since both Romanists
and nonconformists opposed the
form of Common Prayer then
in use.]

122

The Church History

BOOK VII.

A. D. 1553. letter (four years since) to the duke of Somerset,
-^ — '- — ^lord protector; now no longer a privacy, because

publicly printed in his Epistles-
Mn Cai- And yet master Calvin is therein very positive for
reasons for a sot fonu, whoso words desorve our translation and
ofTrayen observation":

((

Quod ad formulam pre-
'' cum, et rituum eccle-
" siasticorum valde pro-
" bo, ut certa ilia extet,
'' a qua pastoribus dis-
" cedere in functione
'^ sua non liceat, tarn

1. ut consulatur quorun-
^' dam simplicitati et
" imperitise, quam

^^ 2. ut certius ita constet
^^ omnium inter se ec-
^' clesiarum consensus.
" Postremo etiam

"3. ut obviam eatur de-
'^ sultorise quorundam
" levitati,quinovationes
" quasdam affectant,—

Sic igitur, statum esse
" catechismum oportet,
'' statam sacramento-
'' rum admiministratio-
" nem, publicam item
" precum formulam *.**"

8 [In his letter to the pro-
tector, dated from Geneva,
22nd Oct. 1546. The passage
is a connected quotation, though

" I do highly approve that
" there should be a cer-
" tain form of prayer
'' and ecclesiastical
" rites, from which it
" should not be lawful
" for the pastors them-
" selves to discede.

" 1. That provision may
" be made for some
" people's ignorance
'^ and unskilfulness.
" 2. That the consent of
all churches amongst
themselves may the
" more plainly appear.
S, That order may be
taken against the de-
sultory levity of such
who delight in inno-
" vations.

Thus there ought to be
'^ an established cate-
'^ chism, an established
'' administration of sa-
craments^ as also a
publicform of prayer.""

((

arranged in separate sentences
by our author.]
* Epist. p. 69.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 123

So that it seems not a form, but this form of a.d. 15 (;3.
prayer did displease ; and exceptions were taken at -1 — '. — 1-
certain passages still in the Liturgy, though lately
reviewed by the bishops, and corrected ".

19. Whilst mutual animosities were heightened Wanton

, , /.IT. froward-

betwixt the opposers and assertors of the Liturgy, ness justly
Providence put a period, for a time, to that contro- ^^°'
versy in England. Such who formerly would not,
soon after durst not, use the Common Prayer ; mass
and popery being set up by queen Mary in the room
thereof. Thus when children fall out and fight
about the candle, the parents, coming in and taking
it away, leave them to decide the differences in the
dark.

^ [Burnet, II. 319.]

THE

CHUKCH HISTOKY

BRITAIN.

THE EIGHTH BOOK,

CONTAINING THE PERSECUTIONS UNDER THE REION OF

QUEEN MARY.

LONDON: PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1655.

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
FRANCIS GREVILLE,

BARON BROOKE, OF BEAUCHAMPS
COURT'.

Mt Lord,

i HERE is a generation of people in our
age called Quakers, which they dis-
claim as a nickname, though I see not
how handsomely they can waive the
name whilst they wear the thing, having contracted

^ [This nobleman was the Rebellion, III. 455. He wna

son and heir of Robert Gre- the moat violent persecutor of

Tille, second baron Brooke, the clergy, the bitterest enemy

notorions for his hostility to of bis sovereign, of any man in

the church and the throne, who his day ; but whether the son

met with the death which he followed the father's evil steps,

descrred at the siege of Lich- I cannot find. Nothing is

field, in 1643 ; having prayed known of him, except that he

just before the battle " that if lived and died unmarried. A

" the cause he followed were lord Brooke is mentioned as

" not right and just, he might being one of the commissioners

" be presently cut off; and that sent in 1660 by the lords to

" he hoped to see the day invite king Charles II. to come

" when one stone of St. Paul's over to £ngland and exercise

" church at London should not his kingly office ; who was ei.

" be left upon another." laud's tber the same as the nobleman

IVoublea, aoi. Sanderson's here mentioned, or his brother

Cliarle8,I.p.6i3. Clarendon's who succeeded to die title.]

128

DEDICATION.

a habit of quaking, wherein they delight \ Of their
practices, no less ridiculous than erroneous, two
most remarkable :

First, the casting off of their clothes, which, did
it not more wound the modesty of others than their
own, I could wish that their going naked might be
their punishment for their going naked; that what
sometimes they affect of fancy should always be
enjoined them by authority, till the cold converted
them into more civility.

In vain do they plead for their practice the
precedent of the prophet Isaiah going naked for
three years ^; whose act was extraordinary and
mystical, having an immediate command from God
for the same. As well may they, in imitation of
Hosea ^, take a known harlot to their wives ; which
I believe they would not willingly do, though they
have made harlots of other men's wives, if all be
true reported of them.

^ [According to Pagitt, a
writer well acquainted with the
history of the various sects
which sprung up in these times,
quaking was part of the doc-
trine of James Naylor, the chief
founder of this sect, who had
served as a common soldier for
several years, under general
Lambert. *' In his Glory of
** the North," says this writer,
he cites all the places of the
scripture which mention ei-
ther trembling or shaking,
never so impertinent and far
" from the purpose : as Ps.
'* xcix. [i], The Lord reignethy

€€

f€

€t

" Ut the earth tremble ; cxiv.
" [7], Tremble thou, earth, at
*' the presence of the GodqfJa-
" cob ; Heb. xii. [26], / shake
** not the earth only, but the hea-
" vens also; €ren. [xxvii.33],
" When Isaac blessed his sons,
"he trembled; &c. 'The holy
*• men of God/ saith he, * wit-
'* ness quaking and trembling/
" Bateman, a quaker and an
*' apologist for the sect, repeats
" many of these places." Here-
siography, p. 246, ed. 1661.]

^ Isaiah xx. 3.

^ Hosea i. a.

DEDICATION. 129

Their other opinion is, that thou and thee is the
omer of respect to be measured out to every single
person; allowing the highest no more, the lowest
no less, be he (to speak in their own phrase *) either
king, lord, judge, or officer.

We will take their words asunder, (as the wheels
of a watch,) only scour them^ and then put them
together again :

King] Though none at this present in the land,
yet because these pretend to a prophetical spirit,
and there may be one in due time, their words
are considerable.

Lord] Here your honour, with those many per-
sons your peers, are concerned.

Judge] In this place the shoe pinches them,
because they bear the sword to punish offenders ^

Officers] I suppose either civil or military, if they
allow of the distinction.

No mention here of ministers : it seems thou and
thee is too good language for us, who are Cains,
and Balaams, and dogs, and devils in their mouths.
The best is, the sharpest railing cannot pierce where
guiltiness in the person railed on hath not first
wimbled a hole for the entrance thereof.

Their principal argument for their practice is
drawn from many places in scripture ^, where thou

c Pamphlet called the Lan- ^ Exod. xxxiii. 12, five times
guage of Truth, p. 2. in one verse.

f Rom. xiii. 4.

FULLER, VOL. IV. K

«.#

180 DEDICATION.

and thee are used by God to man, and man to God,
and man to man, which cannot be denied.

In opposition whereunto, we maintain that thou
from superiors to inferiors is proper, as a sign of
command ; from equals to equals is passable, as a
note of familiarity ; but from inferiors to superiors,
if proceeding from ignorance, hath a smack of
clownishness ; if from affectation, a tang of con-
tempt.

But in answer to their objection from scripture,
we return four things :

First, thou is not so distasteful a term in Hebrew
and Greek as it is in the English ; custom of every
country being the grand master of language, to
appoint what is honourable and disgraceful therein.
The Jews had their Raca \ or term of contempt,
unknown to us; we our thou, a sign of slighting,
unused by them.

Secondly, it foUoweth not, because thou and thee
only are set down, that therefore no other additions
of honour were then and there given from inferiors
to their superiors. A negative argument cannot be
framed in this case, that more respect was not used,
because no more expressed in scripture ; it being
the design of histories chiefly to represent the sub-
stance of deeds, not all verbal formalities.

Thirdly, what inferiors in scripture wanted in
words they supplied in postures and gestures of

h Matt. V. 23.

DEDICATION. ISl

submission, even to prostration of their bodies \
which would be condemned for idolatry if used in
England.

Lastly, there are extant in scripture expressions
of respect, as when Sarah termed her husband lord^
which, though but once mentioned in the text, was
no doubt her constant practice; or else the Holy
Spirit would not have took such notice thereof, and
commended it to others' imitation K

But they follow their argument, urging it unrea-
sonable that any should refuse that coin in common
discourse which they in their solemn devotions pay
to God himself. Thou and Thee are current in the
prayers of saints clean through the scripture, as also
in our (late admired) Liturgy : we praise Thee, we
bless Thee, we worship Thee^ we glorify Thee, we
give Thee thanks for Th^ great glory ^

It is answered, those attributes of greatness,
goodness, &c. given to God in the beginning of
every prayer, do virtually and effectually extend and
apply themselves to every clause therein, though
for brevity's sake not actually repeated.

Thus Our Father, in the preface of the Lord's
Prayer, relateth to every petition therein : Our
Father, hallowed be thy Name; Our Father, thy
Kingdom come ; Our Father, thy will be done, &c.
And this qualifieth the harshness and rudeness of

* CJen. xxxiii. 3 ; i Kings i. "^ i Pet. iii. 6.
16, 23 ; as also I Kings xviii. ^ Said or sung after the Com -
7. munion.

K 2

182 DEDICATION.

thou^ theCy and tht/, when for expedition and express-
iveness' sake they are necessarily used.

Your honour will not wonder at the practice of
these Quakers, having read in the prophetical epi-
stles of St. Peter" and St. Jude", (last placed
because last to be performed,) that towards the end
of the world some shall not be afraid to speak evil
of dignities. These fear where no fear is, and
quake where they need not; but fear not where
fear is, being bold and impudent where they ought
not. They are not afraid, not only to speak against
dignities, (which in some case may be done, where
they are vicious men,) but against dignities, the
lawful, useful, needful ordinances of God himself.

God grant these may seasonably be suppressed,
before they grow too numerous; otherwise such
who now quarrel at the honour will hereafter ques-
tion the wealth of others. Such as now accuse them
for ambition for being higher, will hereafter con-
demn them for covetousness, for being broader than
others ; yea, and produce scripture too, proper and
pregnant enough for their purpose, as abused by
their interpretation. In a word, it is suspicious such
as now introduce thou and thee will, if they can,
expel mine and thine, dissolving all propriety into
confusion.

And now, my lord, how silly a thing is that
honour which lies at the mercy of such men's

" 2 Pet. ii. lo. " Jude 8.

DEDICATION. 138

mouths, to tender or deny the same. The best is,
men's statures are not extended or contracted with
their shadows, so as to be stretched out into giants
in the morning, shrunk up into dwarfs at noon, and
stretched out at m'ght into giants again. Intrin-
sical worth doth not increase and abate, wax and
wane, ebb and flow, according to the fancy of others.
May your lordship therefore labour for that true
honour which consisteth in virtue, and God's appro-
bation thereof; which will last and remain, how
furiously soever the wicked rage, and imagine vain
things against it.

Here I presume to present your honour the lives
and deaths of some worthies, contrary to those
Quakers in their practice and opinion : I mean the
martyrs in the reign of queen Mary. These despised
not their superiors, giving due reverence to those
who condemned them, honouring lawful authority,
though unlawfully used; these cast not off their
clothes, but modestly wore their linen on them
at their suffering; these counterfeited no corporal
quaking, (standing as firm as the stake they were
£EU9tened to,) though in a spiritual sense working
oat their salvation with fear and trembling : whose
admirable piety and patience is here recommended
unto your lordship's consideration, by

Your humble Servant,
To be commanded in all Christian offices,

THOMAS FULLER.
K 3

THE

CHURCH HISTORY

BRITAIN.

BOOK VIII.

weak with sicknesa, was ao practised -

OD by the importunity of others, that, uary, [a

excluding his two sisters, he conveyed i^^JSte of

woman, by that which we may well call the tesia-''PP°^'^°°'

■' ' crowned.

n^nt of king Edward, and the viiil of the duke of
Notrthumberland '. Thue throogb the pious intents

• [King Edward's first
dnvglit for a design of alter-
ing the succession is printed by
Burnet, vol. iii. Coll. numb. lo.
In order to prevent the crown
from descending to his sister
Mary, he had at first excluded
all ftmalea from tbe succession,
directing tliat the crown should
be kept in abeyance till issue

male should be bom of the lady
Frances or her three daughters.
But these clauses were after-
wards altered, and the entire
scheme remodelled, as Burnet
thinks, by the judges. That
paper, he observes, be had
never seen ; but he has printed
(ib. numb, ii) a paper sub-
scribed by twenty.four coun-
K 4

136

The Church HUtory

BOOK Till.

A.D. 1 553- of this prince, wishing well to the Reformation ; the

— reUgion of queen Mary, obnoxious to exception ; the

ambition of Northumberland, who would do what
he listed ; the simplicity of Suffolk, who would be
done with as the other pleased ; the dutifulness of
the lady Jane, disposed by her parents ; the fearful-
ness of the judges, not daring to oppose ; and the
flattery of the courtiers, most willing to comply, —
matters were made as sure as man's policy can make
that good which is bad in itself. But the commons
of England, who for many years together had conned
loyalty by heart out of the statute of succession,
were so perfect in their lesson, that they would not
be put out of it by this new-started design ; so that
every one proclaimed Mary next heir in their con-
sciences, and few days after king Edward's death all
the project miscarried : of the plotters whereof some
executed, more imprisoned, most pardoned, all con-
quered, and queen Mary crowned. Thus, though

cillors and judges, in which
they promise to observe, upon
oath, that limitation of the suc-
cession to the crown^ such as
the king had devised, and to
prosecute any of their number
that would depart from it.
Strype tells us that Cranmer
endeavoured to dissuade the
king from his purpose, and
pleaded for the legitimacy of
the lady Mary; and when
some of the lawyers affirmed
that the king, being in posses-
sion of the crown, had a right
to dispose of it according to
his pleasure^ Cranmer still con-
tinued firm in his opposition,
observing that whatever others

might do, for himself he could
not sign such a paper without
perjury, having sworn to the
observance of king Henry's
will. In this opposition he
continued until the king re-
quested him to sign the paper,
" which made a great impres-
*' sion on him," (says Burnet,
quoting from Strype;) *^but
*' such was the love that he
" bore to the king, that in
^' conclusion he yielded and
** signed it." Hist, of Ref. HI.
p. 215, fol. ed. It is as well
to observe that the idea^ or at
least the draught of the design
for thus altering the succession,
was entirely the king's own.]

CENT. XV]. of Britain. 137

the stream of loyalty for awhile was violently a. d. 1553.

I Mary.

diverted, to run in a wrong channel, yet with the '—

speediest opportunity it recovered the right course
again.

2. But now, in what manner this will of king The truth
E^vmrd's was advanced, (that the greatest blame nage^o^Sr
may be laid on them who had the deepest guilt,) ^^nt^ue
the follovrinff answer of sir Edward Montague, lord!'*^"^™'^-

o o ' ing up the

chief justice of the common pleas, (accused for w»w of J^jng
drawing up the will, and comndtted by queen Mary the sixth.
to prison for the same,) will truly acquaint us ; the
original whereof, under his own hand, was commu-
nicated unto me by his great grandchild, Edward
lord Montague of Boughton^, and here faithfully
exemplified :

" Sir Edward Montague, knight, late chief justice
** of the common pleas, received a letter from Green-
" viich, dated the eleventh day of June last past,
" signed with the hands of the lord treasurer, the
" duke of Northumberland, John earl of Bedford,
" Francis earl of Shrewsbury, the earl of Pembroke,
" the lord Clinton, the lord Darcy, John Gate, Wil-
" liam Petre, William Cecil, John Cheke : whereby
" he was commanded to be at the court on the
" morrow, by one of the clock at afternoon, and to
" bring with him sir John Baker, justice Bromley,
** the attorney and solicitor-general ; and according
" to the same all they were there at the said hour

^ [To this nobleman and his in the text, our author was likely

sons Fuller dedicated various to be well informed, from his

plates in his Pisgah Sight ; see intimacy with the family of the

H». 288, 308 ; and likewise his Montagues, whose pedi^ee he

olyWar. Of the truth, there- has set down in his Appeal,

fare, of this narration, inserted Book III. §. 78.]

138 The Church History book vfci.

A.D. 1553. " of one of the clock. And after they were brought

J — ^II, " to the presence of the king, the lord treasurer, the

" marquis of Northampton, sir John Gate, and one

or two more of the council, whose names he doth

not now remember, were present.

And then and there the king by his own mouth
'' said, that now in his sickness he had considered
** the state of this his realm and succession, which, if
" he should decease without heir of his body, should
" go to the lady Mary, who was unmarried, and
" might marry a stranger bom, whereby the laws of
'^ this realm might be altered and changed, and his
" highness' proceedings in religion might be altered.

Wherefore his pleasure was, that the state of the

crown should go in such form and to such persons
'' as his highness had appointed in a bill of articles
" not signed with the king's hand, which were read,
** and commanded them to make a book thereof
" accordingly with speed. And they, finding divers
'* faults not only for the incertainty of the articles,
" but also declaring unto the king that it was
" directly against the act of succession, which was
" an act of parliament which would not be taken
" away by no such device, notwithstanding his high-
" ness would not otherwise but that they should
'* draw a book according to the said articles, which
" he then took them ; and they required a reasonable
" time of his highness for the doing thereof, and to
" consider the laws and statutes made for the suc-
" cession, which indeed were and be more dangerous
" than any of them they did consider and remember;
^' and so they departed, commanding them to make
" speed.

" And on the morrow all the said persons met.

((
<&

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 139

"and perusing the said statutes, there grew this a.d. 1553.
" question amongst them, whether it were presently-! — !!Il
" treason by the words of the statute oiAmio Prima
** Edvardi Sesti^ or no treason till it were put in
execution after the king's death? because the
words of the statute are, ^ the king, his heirs and
successors :' because the king can have no succes-
" sors in his life ; but to be sure they were all
" agreed that it were the best and surer way to say
" to the lords that the execution of this device after
the king's decease was not only treason, but the
making of this device was also presently treason,
" as well in the whole council as in them ; and so
" agreed to make their report, without doing any-
" thing for the execution thereof.

** And after sir William Petre sent for the said
sir Edward to Ely Place, who shewed him that
the lords required great speed in the making of
" the said book ; and he told him there were none
" like to be made for them, for the danger aforesaid.
" And after that the said sir Edward, with the rest
" of his company, went to the court, and before all
" the council (the duke of Northumberland being
" not in the council-chamber) made report to the
" lords that they had considered the king's articles,
** and also the statutes of succession, whereby it
appeared manifestly that if they should make any
book according to the king's commandment, they
" should not only be in danger of treason, but also
their lordships all ; wherefore they thought it their
bbunden duties to declare the danger of the laws
" unto them ; and for avoiding of the danger thereof
** they had nothing done therein, nor intended to

140 The Church History book viii.

-^•^•'isa*" do, the laws being so dangerous, and standing in

" force.

" The duke of Northumberland, having intelli-
" gence of their answer, either by the earl of Hunt-
" ingdon or by the lord admiral, cometh into the
" council-chamber before all the council there, being
" in a great rage and fiiry, trembling for anger,
*^ and amongst his rageous talk called the said sir
" Edward traitor ; and further said, that he would
^' fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel, (as
" all the whole council being there will report ;)
" whereby the said sir Edward, with the rest, were
" in great fear and dread, in special Mr. Bromley
" audi the said sir Edward ; for Mr. Bromley told
^^ the said sir Edward after, that he dreaded then that
" the duke would have striken one of them. And
after they were commanded to go home; and so
departed in great fear, without doing any thing
" more at that time, wishing of God they had stood
" to it, as they did then, unto this time.

" And after the said sir Edward received another
" letter, dated at Greenwich the 14th of June last
" past, signed with the hands of the lord treasurer,
" the earl of Bedford, the marquis of Northampton,
** the earl of Shrewsbury, the lord Clinton, the lord
" Cobham, the lord Darcy, William Petre, John
" Gute, John Cheke ; whereby he was commanded
" to bring with him sir John Baker, justice Bromley,
" and Mr. Gosnold, and to be at the court on the
" morrow by one of the clock at afternoon, where
" all they were at the same hour, and conveyed into
" a chamber behind the dining chamber there ; and
" all the lords looked upon them with earnest coun-

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 141

" tenance, as though they had not kno^vn them. So a. d. 1553.
" that the said sir Edward, with the other, might -! — ^^^
" perceive there were some earnest determination
" against them ; and at length they were brought
" before the king himself, there being present all
** the whole council.

" And the king demanded of them why they had
" not made his book, according to his command-
•* ment, and reftised that to do, with sharp words
and angry countenance. And the said sir Edward
opened unto his highness the cause why they did
** it not ; and he and other had before declared and
" opened to the council that if the writings were
** made they were of no effect nor force, but utterly
" void when the king should decease, and the statute
" of succession not impaired nor hurted ; for these
" vdll not be taken away but by the same authority
" they were made, and that was by parliament. To
** that said the king we mind to have a parliament
" shortly, not telling when, which was the first time
" that the said sir Edward heard of any parliament
" to be had. Whereunto he said, if his pleasure
** were so, all might be deferred to the parliament,
" and all dangers and perils saved. Whereunto the
** king said he would have this done, and after ratify
" it by parliament ; and after commanded them
** very sharply upon their allegiance to make it.
" And there were divers of the lords that stood
" behind the said sir Edward, and said if they
" refused to do that they were traitors. And the
** said sir Edward was in great fear as ever he was
" in all his life before, seeing the king so earnest
" and sharp, and the said duke so angry the day
" before, who ruled the whole council as it pleased

142 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1553." him, and were all afraid of him, (the more is the
-1 — ^^ " pityO so that such cowardness and fear was there
'^ never seen amongst honourable men, as it hath
" appeared.

" The said sir Edward, being an old weak man,
" and without comfort, began to consider with him-
" self what was best to be done for the safeguard of
" his life, which was like to chance in that fury and
" great anger presently ; and remembering that the
" making of the said writing was not presently trea-
" son by the statute of Anno PHmo^ because this
" word successor would take no place while the king
" was living, and determined with himself not to
** meddle nor execute any thing concerning the same
" after the death of the king, which he hath truly
" kept hereunto ; and also remembering that the
" queen's highness that now is should come by act
" of succession, as a purchaser by the law, might not
" lawfully punish treason or contempt committed in
" the king's life, he said unto the king that he had
" served his most noble father many years, and also
" his highness during his time, and loth he would be
to disobey his commandment : for his own part, he
would obey it, so that his highness would grant
" to them his commandment, licence, and commis-
" sion under his great seal, for the doing, making,
" and executing of all things concerning the same,
" and when the things were done that they might
" have a general pardon. All which commission
« and pardon was as much a.s the said sir Edward
" could invent to help this danger over, and besides
" the things above remembered ; which commission
" and pardon the king granted them, saying it was
" but reason that they should have them both, and

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 143

** the commission is passed the great seal, and the a. d. 1553.
" pardon was signed, and as far as he knew sealed. Ji!!2L

^* All the said matters considered, the said sir
" Edward said for his part he would obey the king's
** commandment, and so did Mr. Bromley say the
same ; and the king said to sir John Baker, ' What
say you ? You said never a word to-day :' who, as
I take it, agreed to the same. Mr. Gosnold re-
quired a respite, for he was not yet persuaded to
" do the thing required. How the said duke and
" the earl of Shrewsbury handled him, he can tell
" best himself. And after, upon the said sir Edward's
" motion, the king gave him licence to be advised
" until upon the morrow, who of himself being in
" great fear was content to obey the king's com-
^ mandment ; and so the doers and makers of the
said book, with sorrowful hearts and with weeping
eyes, in great fear and dread devised the said book
according to such articles as were signed with the
king's proper hand above and beneath, and on
every side. And their said commission, with arti-
" cles so signed with the king's hand^ and the book
" drawn in paper, were conveyed from the court to
•' the lord chancellor's, to be engrossed in parchment,
** and to pass the great seal, which was done ac-
" cordingly.

"And on the morrow next after the last term
** ended the said sir Edward and all the judges were
" sent for : he puts his hand to the book in parch-
^ ment, sealed with the great seal, and so did many
" others. The said book of articles so signed remain-
" eth with the lord chancellor, bishop of Ely^; but

c [Thomas Goodrich.]

144 TTie Church History book viii.

A. D. 1553." who conveyed the said paper book into the chan-

-_! ^Z!_ " eery, or who wrote them, or who set their hands

*^ to the same book, the said sir Edward, till he see
" them, he cannot tell ; but he will not deny but
" he was privy to the making of them, as he hath
" before said, and that he came to the knowledge
" of the matter by the articles unsigned, and by the
articles signed with the king's hand, and both
delivered unto him by the king's own hands. Who
^' put the king in mind to make the said articles, or
" who wrote them or any of them, or by whose pro-
" curement or counsel they were made, or by what
" means he and others were called unto this matter,
" he knoweth not, but he thinks in his conscience
" the king never invented this matter of himself,
" but by some wonderful false compass. He prayetb
" God the truth may be known, as he doubts not it
" will be.

" And further, he and all his company, as well
" before the king as before the lords at all times,
" said that their writings (before they were made
" and after they were made) were of no value, force,
" nor effect, to any intent, constitution, or purpose,
" after the king's death, and there is no remedy to
" help this but by parliament. And that after the
said Thursday, being the morrow after the term
last past, that he by any writing, printing, overt
" deed or act, never did any thing si thence the same
" day, in the king's life, ne sithence the death of
" the king, for he determined with himself to be no
** executor of the said device, whatsoever should
" chance of it ; nor ever meddled with the council
" in any thing, nor came amongst them, until the
" queen's grace that now is was proclaimed queen in

€t

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 145

** London, nor never executed commission, procla- a. 0.1553.

" mation, or other commandment from the ladj Jane ' ^^'

" nor her council, but commanded my son to serve

" the queen's grace that now is, and to go to sir

** Thomas Tresham and [the] Buckinghamshire men

" that went to her grace to defend her, which he so

" did to my no little cost."

The case thus stated, these notes follow, written
with the same hand :

" Now that it is to be considered the great fear
" the said sir Edward was in, as well by the duke of
" Northumberland on the one day as by the king on
the other day.

" Also it is to be considered the king's command-
ment upon their allegiance, by his own mouth, and
" the articles signed with his highness' own hand,
" and also his commission, licence, and command-
" ment under his great seal to the said sir Edward
" and others, for the making of the said book.

" Also the king's pardon, signed with his highness'
« hand.

" Also it is to be considered that the said books
" were made in the king's life, seven or eight days
" before his death ; and the queen's highness being
** successor by act of parliament to the crown, and
having the same as a purchaser, may not lawfully
by the laws of the realm punish the said offence
" done in the king's time.

** Also the said sir Edward hath humbly submitted
** himself to the queen's highness, and to the order
" of the commissioners ; which commissioners have
" ordered the said sir Edward to pay to her highness

FULLER, VOL. IV. L

146 The Church History book viii.

A.D.I 5 S3-" a thousand pounds, who hath already paid thereof

'— " five hundred pounds, and the other five hundred

" pounds are to be paid at the feast of All Saints
** come twelvemonth ; and also to surrender his
" letters patents of lands to the yearly value of fifty
" pounds, called Eltyngton, which he had of the gift
" of king Edward the Sixth, which was all the
" reward he had of the said king Edward for his
" service, costs, and expenses.

" Also it is to be considered that the said sir
" Edward is put from his office of the chief
"justiceship of the common pleas, being of the
" yearly value of six hundred marks ; which office
" the most noble king of famous memory, king
" Henry the Eighth, gave him in consideration of
" his long service, and also had six weeks' imprison-
" ment.

" Also it is to be considered that the same sir
" Edward hath seventeen children, viz. eleven daugh-
" ters and six sons ; whereof one of the said sons had
" his leg stricken oft' by the knee in Scotland, at
" Musselborough field, the duke of Somerset being
" there. And his son and heir, by his command-
" ment, served the queen's highness vrith twenty
" men, to the cost of the said sir Edward of one
" hundred pounds, as the gentlemen of Buckingham-
" shire can report."

So far the late judge with his own hand : wherein
he affirmeth that he meddled not with the council
in any thing afterward, as may appear by his not
subscribing the letter of the lords to queen Mary,
enjoining (shall I say?) or advising her to desist

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 147

from claiming the crown, whereto all the privy a. d. 1553.

comisellors subscribed <*, only the hand of sir Edward '—

Montague is wanting; and seeing, in the whole
transaction of this matter, the obedience rather than
invention of judge Montague was required, not to
devise but draw things up according to articles ten-
dered unto him, I cannot believe his report relating
that the king used the advice of justice Montague
in drawing up the letters patents, to furnish the
same with reasons of law, as secretary Cecil with
arguments from policy ®.

3. Some will wonder that no mention herein of s»r Roger
sir Roger Cholmely, lord chief justice of the king's comes off
bench, and in dignity above sir Edward Montague,^ ^^'
(at this time but judge of the common pleas,) that
he was not employed to draw up the book ; but it
seems judge Montague his judgment was more relied
on, who had been formerly lord chief justice of the
king's bench, and deserted it. Yet the said sir
Roger Cholmely was imprisoned for bare subscribing
his will, and, as it seems, lost his place for the same ;
for justice Bromley, though equally guilty with the
rest, (so far favour extends in matters of this nature,)
was not only pardoned, but, from an inferior judge,
advanced to be successor to sir Roger Cholmely^,
and made judge of the king's bench ^.

4f. Whereas sir Edward saith that all the judges sir James
were sent for, and that many put their hands to the honesty.
book, it intimateth that all did not^ but that some

d See them extant in Mr. ^ See sir H. Spelman's Glos-

Pox, Acts and Mon., anno sary, in Justiciarius, [p. 343,

1553* [Vol. III. p. 15.] ed. 1 664. J

« Sir John Hayward's Life S [In the first year of this

of Edward VI. [p. 417.] reign.]

148

The Church History

BOOK viir,

A.D. i5S3.pefii8ed the same ; it being eminently known, to the
-! !2l everlasting honour of sir James Hales, that no im-
portunity could prevaU with him to underwrite this
will, as against both law and conscience ^.
Contest be- 5. Eiffht weeks and upwards passed between the

twixt two

rdigiong. proclaiming of Mary queen and the parliament by
her assembled ; during which time two religions
were together set on foot, protestantism and popery,
the former hoping to be continued, the latter labour-
ing to be restored. And as the Jews' children, after
the captivity, spake a middle language betwixt He-
brew and Ashdod '\ so during the aforesaid interim
the churches and chapels in England had mongrel
celebration of their divine services, betwixt reforma-
tion and superstition ; for the obsequies for king
Edward were held by the queen in the Tower,
August the seventh, with the Dirige sung in Latin ;
and on the morrow a mass of requiem, and on the
same day his corpse was buried at Westminster
with a sermon service and conununion in English.
No small jostling was there betwixt the zealous

^ [Notwithstanding his ho-
nesty and uprightness in this
affair^ he could not save him-
self from severe treatment in
this reign. On Oct. 6th, ijJSS,
he was committed to prison,
" and so cruelly handled and
" put in fears by talk, thU^the
** warden of the Fleet used to
'* have in his hearing of such
'• torments as were in prepar.
** ing for heretics, that he
*' sought to rid himself out of
'* this life by wounding himself
" with a knife, and afterwards
*' was contented to say as they
*' willed him ; whereupon he

^ was discharged ; but after
^' that he never rested till he
'^ had drowned himself in a
•' river, half a mile from his
"' house in Kent.'* Fox's Acts,
&c.. III. p. 19. The dialogue
between him and G^diner
mentions Hales' support of
queen Mary's claims. This
dialogue was printed at the
time, and is reprinted by Fox,
ib. Bradford addressed a let-
ter to him, while in prison.
Letter of the Martyrs, p. 220,
ed. 1837. See also the same
letters, p. 295.]
i Neh. xiii. 24^

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

149

promoters of thiBse contrary reliffions^. The pro- a. d. 1553.

I Mary.

testants had possession on their side, and the protec '—

tion of the laws lately made by king Edward, and
still standing in free and full force unrepealed.
Besides, seeing by the fidelity of the Suffolk and
Norfolk protestant gentry the queen was much ad-
vantaged for the speedy recovering of her right, they
conceived it but reason that as she by them had
regained the crown, so they under her should enjoy
their consciences. The papists put their ceremonies
in execution, presuming on the queen her private
practice and public countenance, especially after she
had imprisoned some protestant and enlarged some
popish bishops, advancing Stephen Gardiner to be
lord chancellor. Many which were neuters before,
conceiving which side the queen inclined, would not
expect but prevent her authority in alteration ; so
that superstition generally got ground in the king-
dom. Thus it is in the evening twilight, wherein
Ught and darkness at first may seem very equally
matched; but the latter within little time doth
solely prevail ^

k [Stow, 610, 611.]

1 [Undoubtedly the evil
practices of the nobility had
done much towards producing
a strong reaction against Pro-
testantism. Even Burnet con-
fesses that their fraudulent
proceedings^ combined with a
general laxity of morals spread-
ing frightfully among the peo-
ple, gave the enemies of the
Reformation too just a handle
against them. ** The open
** lewdness/' he says, "in which
" many lived without shame or
*' remorse, gave great occasion

" to their adversaries to say,
" they were in the right to
" assert justification by faith
'* without works; since they
'* were as to every good work
" reprobate. Their gross and
*' insatiable scrambling after the
*' goods and wealth that had
*' been dedicated with good
" designs, though to supersti-
" tious uses, without applying
" any part of it to the pro-
" moling the gospel, the in-
structing the youth, and re-
lieving the poor, made all
•' people conclude it was for

L 3

150

The Church Hutory

BOOK YIII.

A.D.I55}. 6. What impressions the coming in of queen

'^^^' Mary made on Cambridge shaU, God willing, be

pens the presented in our particular history thereof. The sad

fint con-
gratulabHy

letter to the" robbery, and not for refonna- tory. The generality of men
queen. « ^j^j,^ ^^i^X their zeal made are too much misled by Fox in

'* them so active.* Hist, of forming any thing like a fair

Ref. III. p. 216, fol. ed. Com- and just estimate of the reigns

pare with this that excellent

book of bishop Rennet's, The

Impropriation of Vicarages.

Elsewhere the bishop obu

of king Edward and his suc-
cessor. No king ever lived in
this nation, except perhaps
Henry VIII., whose reign was

serves : " The irregular and more disastrous to the cause of

•* immoral lives of many of the true religion, and consequently

" professors of the gospel gave

" their enemies great advan-

'* tages to say they run away

'* from confession, penance,

" fasting, and prayer, only that

" they might lie under no re-

" straint, but indulge them-

" selves in a licentious and

** dissolute course of life. By

" these things, that were but

•' too visible in some of the

*' more eminent among them,

** the people were much alien-

to the churchy than was the
reign of Edward VI. As bishop
Burnet states, men were fast
falling away from the truth
altogether, or returning back
to their ancient professions and
opinions. It was the fires
which were lighted in Smith-
field which brought men back
again, if not to soberer feelings,
yet at least to greater caution.
Whilst it purged the Reforma-
tion to a great extent of those
" ated from them. Some of who had professed it merely
*• the clergy that promoted the because it allowed a greater

** Reformation were not with-
" out very visible blemishes ;
" some indiscretions, both in
•* their marriages and in their
" behaviour, contributed not a
" little to raise a general aver-
" sion to them. It is true
*' there were great and shining
<' lights among them ; but they
** were Jew in comparison with
'* the many bad." This is very
remarkable, as the conviction
of the bishop's maturer years,
and the result of much study
in far more trustworthy do-
cuments than were those by
which he had been guided in
the earlier portions of his his-

a
degree of laxity than Roman-
ism, it threw a halo round
those that suffered, a feeling of
pity and respect for them, and
of veneration for those opinions
for which they suffered, which
a milder policy had never pro-
duced. Without any such in-
tention, queen Mary did far
more for the Reformation than
either of her predecessors. It
was a miserable mistake on the
queen's part, to say the least,
or of her council, who were
the chief authors in urging the
bishops to proceed to such
extremities. See Burnet, ib.
p. 263.]

CENT. XVI, fff Britain, 151

and sudden alterations in Oxford thereby are nowA.D.is^.v
to be handled ™. Master John Jewell was chosen — — -- -
to pen the first congratulatory letter to the queen,
in the name of the university: an office imposed on
him by his enemies, that either the refusal thereof
should make him incur danger from his foes, or the
performance expose him to the displeasure of his
friends ; yet he so warily penned the same in gene-
ral terms, that his • adversaries missed their mark.
Indeed all as yet were confident that the queen
would maintain the protestant religion, according to
her solemn promise to the gentry of Norfolk and
Suffolk, though she, being composed of courtship
and popery, this her unperformed promise was the
first court holy water which she sprinkled amongst
the people.

7. And because every one was counted a truant Mary, the
in popery who did not outrun the law. Dr. Tresham, tized mass-
an active papist and a van-courier before authority, oims't
repaired the great bell in Christ Church, which he ^^^"^^•
new named and baptized Mary; and whilst Mr.
Jewell was reading the letter he had penned to Dr.
Tresham for his approbation thereof, presently that

bell tolled to mass, (a parenthesis which was not in
the letter,) and Tresham, breaking off his attention
to what was written, exclaimed in a zealous ecstasy,
** Oh, sweet Mary, how musically, how melodiously
** doth she sound !" This bell then rung the knell
for that time to the truth in Oxford, henceforward
filled vnth protestant tears and popish triumphs.

8. Then Stephen Gardiner, visitor of Magdalen, Alteration

by Gardi-

» [This account of Jewell Mary, is wholly taken from
and the proceedings at Oxford, Humphrey's Life of Jewell,
apon the accession of queen published by John Day, 1573]

L 4

152

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

A. D. 1553. as successor to William Wainfleet, bishop of Win-

I Al&rv*

— Chester, founder thereof, sent commissioners to the

on fnTi J^- college, whereof sir Richard Read the chief, and Dr.

^nCoi- Wright, archdeacon of Oxford, whereby strange
effects were produced :

i. Walter Haddon, then president of the college **,
(though omitted by Brian Twyne, for what cause I
know not, in their catalogue,) willingly quitted his
place.

ii. Thomas Bentham, that year censor, being re-
quired to correct the scholars for their absence from
popish prayers, ingenuously confessed his sorrow for
his compliance in the reign of king Henry the
Eighth, and constantly professed that he would not
accumulate sin on sin; adding, moreover, that he
accounted it not equal to punish that in others
which he himself did willingly and wittingly commit,
and thereon was outed of his place.

iii* Thomas Bickley was served in the same man-
ner. This was he who, formerly snatching the host
out of the pix . at evening prayer, first rent it with
liis hands, then trampled it under his feet ; and now
expelled, with great difficulty escaped into France.

^ La\vrence Humphrey, in
his Latin Life of Dr. Jewell, p.
71. ["Johannis Juelli Angli
" Episcopi Sarisburiensis vita
" et mors, ejusque verae doc-
** trinse defensio, cum refuta-
'• tione quorundam objectorum,
" Thomae Hardingi, Nicol.
" Sanderi, &c.*' Lond. 1573.
In composing this account of
the Life of Jewell, which was
dedicated to archbishop Parker
and Dr. Edwin Sandys, then
bishop of London, as written

by their desire, Humphrey was
assisted by Dr. Parkhurst,
bishop of Norwich, Jewell's
intimate friend ; by Giles
Lawrence, who preached the
bishop's funeral sermon; and
John Garbrand^ fellow of New
College, to whom Jewell left
the principal part of his MSS.**'
The last-mentioned person, in
all probability, had once in his
possession the now lost trea-
tises of this celebrated pre-
late.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 163

iv. Henry Bull, who about the same time openly a. d. 1553.
in the choir snatched the censer out of his hands — '- — '—
who was about to offer idolatrous incense therein,
was likewise by the visitors put out of his fellow-
ship.

What shall I speak of learned Lawrence Hum-
phrey, painful John Fox, studious Michael Ren-
niger, sweet-natured John MuUins, (archdeacon of
Paul's,) Arthur Saul, Peter Morvin, Hugh Kirke,
and Luke Purefoy, dear brethren in Christ, all at
this time forced to forsake their college; so that
then Magdalen wept indeed for the loss of so many
worthies. All this extremity was executed by these
visitors, not as yet empowered by law, the statutes
of king Edward standing hitherto unrepealed. But
some are so desirous to worship the rising sun, that,
to make sure work, they will adore the dawning day;
and many of the Oxford scholars thought prolepsis
the best figure in their grammar to foresee what the
queen would have done, and to ingratiate themselves
by antedating the doing thereof.

9. Of all the visitors in Magdalen college, arch- Archdeacon
deacon Wright was most moderate, seeking to qua- moderate
lify the cruelty of the rest, as far as he could oraftLrwa^s
durst appear. Blind he was in one eye, but acute ^"f^^d^
and clear-sighted in his mind ; and though his com- ^jj*^ p®***"
plianee for the present cannot be excused, yet com-
mendable was his forwardness, that presently on the
crovming of queen Elizabeth he confessed his errors,
and vdth a weak voice but strong arguments in his
sermon preached in Allhallows, solidly confuted the
main of popish opinions. This was his last will and
testament, being at the present much decayed in his
body, his strength only serving him to give a solemn

154 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1553. account of his feith ; for soon after he fell sick, and
J — !!Il-at the end of eight days, in perfect mind and me-
mory, peaceably departed this life ® ; wherefore lying
Saunders is not to be listened to, when reporting
that this Wright died raving and distracted p ; it
being usual with him to account all those staring
mad who are not stark blind with ignorance and
superstition ^. Let not Saunders be too busy in
traducing God's dying servants, lest what he wrong-
fully chargeth on others justly befall himself, as it
came to pass accordingly ; for a learned pen ^ tells
us that he died in Ireland mente motus^ which if it
amounts not to a madness, I understand not the
propriety of that expression.
Maw set up XO. Pass WO uow from Msffdalen to Corpus

111 Corpus *^ '-

christi Christi college, where behold a sudden alteration,
mass being presently brought up in the place of
the communion. It may seem a wonder, seeing so
many superstitious utensils are required thereunto,
where the papists got attiring clothes for the thea-
trical pomp thereof; yet so it was, that they who
to-day visibly had nothing, next day wanted nothing
for the celebration of the mass. Surely these trin-
kets were never dropped down from heaven ; but
such who formerly had been cunning in concealing
were now forward in producing their wicked ward-
robe ; and one college afforded enough, not only to
suffice itself, but for the present to supply the whole
university.

JeweU 11. But how well soever any college kept their

driren out

o Lawrence Humph, utprius, ^ Camd. Brit, in the year

p-76. 1583.

P In Defence of the Pope's ^ Camdeni Annales, anno

Monarchy, [p. 690.] 1583, [p. 349.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 155

superstitious trifles, sure I am Corpus Christi col- a. d. 1553,
lege lost an essential ornament thereof, namely, Mr.

John Jewell, fellow therein, who, on his refusal to^^j^^^JP"*
be present at mass and other popish solemnities, ^^«g«-
was driven out of the college, and retired himself
to Broadgates Hall, where he continued for a short
time in great danger.

1 2. It was now high time for JSIr. Peter Martyr Peter Mar-
seasonably to provide for his owti security, who, the rLim.
being by birth a stranger, and invited over hither,

and placed here by king Edward the Sixth, to be
professor of divinity in Oxford, had the warrant of
the public faith and the law of nations for his safety.
Whereupon he solicited for leave to return, which
was granted unto him. Well it was that he had
protection of proof; otherwise such was the enmity
of the papists, and so sharp set were the teeth of
some persecuting bishops against him, that they
would have made this martyr brook his own name,
and have sacrificed his life to their ftiry.

13. About the time of his departure, (pardon aTiieDutch
short digression,) the Dutch congregation in London tJou depart
was also dissolved, gaining licence with much adoj^^rk.^"
to transport themselves. These, taking the oppor-
tunity of two Danish ships then lying in Thames
mouth, adventured themselves therein even in the
beginning of winter, uncertain where to get any
habitation. One hundred seventy and five were
embarked in one vessel, from which the other was
divided with tempest, and with much danger got at

last to Elsinore in Denmark ^ Had they stayed

• John Utenhovius in Narratione de dissipata Belgarum
Ecclesia. cap. 2.

166 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1553. longer in England, until the queen's marriage with

-^^ — ^^ king Philip of Spain, being most of them his native

subjects in the Netherlands, it had been difficult, if

not impossible, for them to have procured their safe

and public departure.

A dear copy 14. As for Mr. Jowoll, he continued some weeks

of verses.

in Broadgates Hall, whither his scholars repaired
unto him, whom he constantly instructed in learning
and religion. Of all his pupils, Edward Year* in
this one respect was most remarkable, who by his
tutor being seasoned with the love of the truth,
made a double copy of verses against the superstition
of the mass, which so enraged Mr. Welsh (the
censor, as I take it, of Corpus Christi college) against
him, that he publicly and cruelly whipped him, lay-
ing on one lash for every verse he had made, which
I conceive were about eighty in all. Part of them
I have here thought fit to insert ; and blessed be
God I may translate and the reader peruse them
without any pain and peril, and not at the dear rate
whereat the author composed them. I have the
rather presented them, because they proved as well
prophetical as poetical, comfortably foretelling what
afterwards certainly came to pass.

" Supplex oro Patris vmiant cwlestis ad aures

" ^x animo paucce qu€L8 recitaho preces :

*' Ecce patent aditm, patet altijantui Coeli

" Ad sunimum votis Jam penetrabo Deum.

" Svmme Pater ^ qui cuncta vides^ qui cwncta gubemas^

*' Q,ui das cuncta tuis^ qui qtioqtte cuncta rapis^

" Effice ne maneat longcevos Missa per annos :

*' Effice nefallat decipiatve tuos ;

* So I conceive his name, Jewell's Life, p. 'j'j^ calls Ed-
whom Lawrence Humphrey, in vardum Annum.

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 157

" Effice ne coseos pcpulorum reddat ocellos A.D. 1553.'

'* Mism^ docem verba dissona multa tuo : ' ^ifiVY-

Effice jam rurms Stygias descmdat ad wndas^
Unde trahit fontem prificipiumqtie sunm.

^^ Beqpondet Domrnus spectans de sedibm altis^
" Ne dubUes recte credere parve puer,
^^ OUm mmpassm nvortem^ nwrw occupo dextram
" Patrisy nunc swmmi swnt rma regna poli :
" In ccglis igitur toto cwm corpore versor^
" Et me terrestris nemo videre potest ;
Falsa sacerdotes de me mendacia fingunt^
Missam quiqm colunt, hi mea verba negant.
" DwroB cermets populus vm mittere Missam
" Eeciiy et e medio tollere dogma sacrum ;
" Sed tu crede mik% vires scriptura reswmet^
. *' ToUetmrque sua tempore Missa nequam ".""

Accept, heavenly Father, I request,
These few devotions from my humble breast :
See, there*'s access, heavens gate open lies,
Then with my prayers I'll penetrate the skies.
Great God ! who all things seest, dost all things

sway.
And all things giv'st, and all things tak'st away,
Let not the present mass long-lived be,
Nor let it those beguile belong to thee ;
Thy people's eyes keep it from blinding quite.
Since to thy word it is so opposite ;
But send it to the Stygian lakes below,
From whence its rise and source doth spring and

flow.

The Lord, beholding from his throne, reply'd,
Doubt not, young youth, firmly in mo confide ;
I died long since, now sit at the right hand
Of my blest Father, and the world command ;

« [Humphrey's Life of Jewell, p. 78.]

158 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1553. My body wholly dwells in heavenly light,
' ^^^'y- Of whonl no earthly eye can gain a sight.

The shameless priests of me forge truthless lies.
And he that worships mass my word denies ;
A stiifneckM people for their sins did make
Me send them mass, my word away to take ;
But trust me, Scripture shall regain her sway,
And wicked mass in due time fade away.

Mr.JeweU 15. But to retum to Mr. Jewell. He had not
faiL^^*^ lived long in Broadgates Hall, when by the violence
of the popish inquisitors being assaulted on a sudden
to subscribe, he took a pen in his hand, and smiling,
said, " Have you a mind to see how well I can
" write ?" and thereupon underwrit their opinions.
Thus the most orient jewel on earth hath some
flaws therein. To conceal this his fault, had been
partiality ; to excuse it, flattery ; to defend it, im-
piety ; to insult over him, cruelty ; to pity him, cha-
rity ; to admire God in permitting him, true devo-
tion ; to be wary of oureelves in the like occasion,
Christian discretion.
Carnal I6. Such as go out whon God openeth them a

n^lr pr^ door to oscapo, do peaceably depart ; but such who
break out at the window, either stick in the passage
or bruise themselves by falling down on the outside.
Jewell may be an instance hereof, whose cowardly
compliance made his foes no fewer without him, and
one the more, a guilty conscience, within him. The
papists neither loved, nor honoured, nor trusted him
any whit the more for this his subscription, which
they conceived not cordial, forced from him by his
fear ; yea, thereby he gained not any degree of more
safety ; and his life being waylaid for, with great
difficulty he got over into Germany.

fits.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 169

17. Rejoice not ocer me, O mine enemy ; for though a.d. 1555.
IfaU^ yet shall I rise again, as here it came to pass : "^'
coming to Frankfort, he had Dr. Edwin Sandys Mf- Jew-
(afterwards archbishop of York,) for his board andaWeand
bedfellow, who counselled Mr. Jewell, with the joint J^J^^.
advice of Mr. Chambers and Mr. Sampson, his bosom
friends, to make a public confession of his sorrow

for his former subscription : whereupon on a Sunday,
after his forenoon's sermon, in the congregation of
Frankfort, he bitterly bewailed his fall, and heartily
requested pardon from God and his people, whom
thereby he had offended. Wet were the eyes of the
preacher, and those not dry of all his auditors.
What he fairly requested was freely given ; and
henceforward all embraced him as a brother in
Christ, yea, as an angel of God ; yea, whosoever
seriously considereth the high parts Mr. Jewell had
in himself, and the high opinion others had of him,
will conclude his fall necessary for his humiliation.

18. But to return to Oxford, whither, about this The issue-

less issue of

time, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer were brought to a disputa-
be baited in disputation by the fiercest papists offo^.*
both universities ; which worthy bishops, restrained
in liberty, debarred from books, deprived of friends,
and straitened for time, were brought out of the
prison to dispute, and after the end thereof thither
remanded. Here it is sad to recount those legions
of taunts which were passed upon them. They who
had three logical terms in every syllogism had far
more railing ones after it, in following their argu-
ment, and opprobrious improving thereof against the
prisoners. Wherefore when Weston, the prolocutor,
or obloquutor rather, closed all with his vainglorious
brag, vidt Veritas, many of the impartial auditors

160

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

A. D. 1553. conceived that vicit vanitas was a truer conclusion

— of the disputation ; though indeed there could be no

proper victory where there was no fair fight, things
not being methodized with scholastical formality,
but managed with tumultuous obstreperousness. See
all at large in Mr. Fox, to transcribe which would
be tedious, exscribe something imperfect, contract
all obscure. May the reader therefore be remitted
thither for his perfect satisfaction ; only I will add,
this disputation was but a preparative or prologue to
the tragedy of these bishops' deaths ; as it were to
dry their bodies the more aforehand, that afterwards
they might burn the brighter and clearer for the
same ^.
Some Ox- 19. But WO Icavc the prosecution hereof with the
invited to imprcssiou made by the alteration of religion on
a pro^^r ^ cvcry scvcral college in Oxford, to some learned men
^^^' of that university, as an office proper for them to
perform, having as their education therein, so their
advantage thereby in consulting the registers of their
several colleges. I have hitherto and shall hereafter
be the shorter in matters of this university, remem-
bering two profitable precepts for this purpose : the
one, Minus 7iotis minus diti insistendum ; the other,
^€vo9 Sv airpayixwv larQi^ — " Being a Stranger, be not
" over-busy ;" who confess myself bred in another

X [Unfortunately the queen
had too good a reason for pro-
ceeding against Ridley ; since,
if Stow's information be correct,
he had incurred the guilt of
high treason : for on the 16th
of July, a few days after king
Edward's death, by the com-
mand of the council then in
favour of the duke of North-

umberland^ he *' preached at
'* Paul's Cross, where he vehe-
" mently persuaded the people
" in the title of the lady Jane,
•• late proclaimed queen, and
'* inveighed earnestly against
•' the title of lady Mary and
" the lady Elizabeth, her sis*
** ter." Stows Chron. 611/
Strype's Mem. III. 3.]

CENT, XVI.

tf Britain.

161

seminary of learning. Wherefore if my tongue, longA.D. 1553.
acquainted with Cambridge Siboleth^ have or shall-! — ^^2L~
chance to falter in pronouncing the terms of art or
topical titles proper to this university, I hope the
reader's smile shall be all the vt^riter's punishment.
For as I heartily profess the fidelity of my affections
to my aunt, and humbly request that my weakness
or want of intelligence may no way tend to her pre-
judice, so I expect that my casual mistakes should
meet with a pardon, of course ; and if any of her
ovra children (which is much to be desired) will
hereafter write a particular history of Oxford, I
should be joyful if the best beams I can bring will
but make him scaffolds, and the choicest of my
comer-stones but serve to fill up the walls of his
more beautiful building.

20. We have something trespassed on time toprotestant
make our story of Oxford entire, and must now go tuhTaw
a little backward. The queen beinff crowned oni^®'"^^^^®*

'■ o from the

the first of October y, her first parliament began the parliament

y [Stephen Perlin, a French
ecclesiastic, an eyewitness of
the scenes which he describes^
who wrote " A Description of
" England and Scotland/' pub-
lished at Paris in 1558, gives a
curious account of queen Mary's
accession. He says that she im-
mediately " caused the images
" to be replaced, and brought
*^ back the service to the Latin
*' language, and made several
*' proclamations, edicts, and
'* prohibitions throughout all
'^ England against eating of
'* flesh on Fridays and Satur-
" days, on pain of being hanged
'^ and strangled. (!) And then
'' you might have seen those

yULLER, VOL. IV.

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which had been bishops, who
had been displaced by the
young king Edward and his
late father Henry, coming in
great joy and magnificence
about the town, mounted on
mules and little pompous
horses, dressed in greatgowns
of black camlet, over which
were beautiful surplices, their
heads covered with satin
hoods, like those worn by
the monks, being joyous on
account of the queen's vic-
tory.

*' In the mean time the
queen made her public entry
into London in great state
and magnificence^ the citi-

163

The Church Hiitary

BOOK VIII.

A.D. 1553. fifth day following, wherein, God wot, a poor appear-
J_^L-ance of Protestant bishops : for Cranmer of Canter-
bury was in the Tower for treason ; Ridley of Lon-
don, and Ponet of Winchester, were iisplaced on

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zens' children walking before
her magnificently dressed ;
afterwards followed gentle-
men habited in velvets of all
sorts, some black, others in
white, yellow, violet, and
carnation ; others wore satins
or taffety, and some damasks
of all colours, having plenty
of gold buttons; afterwards
followed the mayor of the
city, with several handsome
companies, and the chiefs
and masters of the several
trades -, after them the milors
richly habited, and the most
considerable knights ; next
come the ladies, married and
single, in the midst of whom
was madame Marv> queen of
England, mounted on a small
white ambling nag, the hous-
ings of which were fringed
with gold thread ; about her
were six lacqueys, habited in
vests of cloth of gold. The
queen herself was dressed in
violet-coloured velvet, and
was then about forty years of
age, and rather fresh -co-
loured. Before her were six
lords bareheaded, each carry-
ing in his hand a golden
mace, and some others bear-
ing the arms and crown.
Behind her followed the
archers, as well of the first
as the second guard; those
of the first guard were clothed
in scarlet, bound with black
velvet, and on their escut-

*' cheons they had a golden
*' rose, which is called in Eng-
" lisb rase pent, and under this
'* rose was a golden crown with
** high leaves, in form of an
" imperial crown ; the second
" guard were clothed in scarlet,
" bound with black velvet, anci
" on their escutcheons was in-
" terwoven a true lovers' knot,
*' and an E in the middle, and
" on the other side an R, done
'' in order to make a distinction
*' between the ' two guards.
** She was followed by her sis-
*' ter, named madame Eliza-
" beth, in truth a beautiful
" princess, who was also well
" accompanied by ladies, both
" married and single. Then
" might you hear the firing of
'• divers pieces of artillery,
" bombards, and cannons, and
*' many rejoicings made in the
" city of London ; and after-
" wards the queen, being in
*' triumph and royal magnifi-
" cence in her palace and castle
" of Westminster, took it into
" her head to go to hear mass
" at Paul's ; that is to say, at
" the church of St. Paul's. — It
" happened that an English.
'* man, during mass, threw a
" dagger at the priest, making
a great tumult, mass not
having been celebrated in
" this country for six or seven
** years." Antiq. Repertory, I.
227.

CENT. XVI. of Britain^ 163

the restitution of Bonner and Gardiner; Holgate of a. d. 1553.

-^ I M&rv

York, Bush of Bristol, Bird of Chester, Hooper of *—

Worcester and Gloucester, Barlow of Bath and
Wells, Scory of Chichester, Ferrar of St. David's,
Coverdale of Exeter, were already deprived, either
for being married or delivering some displeasing
doctrines. Only two Protestant bishops, viz. John
Taylor of Lincoln, and John Harley of Hereford ^
(on what score I know not,) found the favour to be
last undone, as remaining undeprived at the begin-
ning of the parliament, where they presented them-
selves according to their duty, and took their place
amongst the lords. But presently began solemn
mass, after the popish manner; which these two
good bishops not abiding, withdrew themselves, and
shortly both of them died their natural deaths;
Providence graciously preventing their violent de-
structions.

21. All the rest of the bishops present in parlia- p^p^ "*

^ stored by

ment^ (as Sampson of Coventry and Lichfield, Capon the rest.
of Salisbury, Thirlby of Norwich, Bulkley of Ban-
gor, Parfew of St. Asaph, Kitchin of Landaff*,)
though dissembling themselves Protestants in the
days of king Edward, now returned to their vomit
and the advancing of popery. No wonder then if
all things were acted according to their pleasure,
the statute of pr€emunire made by king Henry the
Eighth and many other good laws of Edward the
Sixth repealed; mass and Latin service, with the
main of popery, re-established.

22. But in the convocation which began few days Oct. tS.
after, amongst all the clergy therein assembled there

* Fox, Acts and Mon. p. » Ely and Oxford I conceive
1410. ^= III. 16.] void at this time.

M 2

164 The Church History book viii.

AD. 1553. were found but six which opposed the reduction of

I Mary. , . ^^

popery ^ viz.

Six Pro- i. Walter Philips, dean of Rochester.

tsstant

champions li. Jamos Haddon, dean of Exeter.

^tioEu"' "!• John Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester.

iv. Richard Cheney, archdeacon of Hereford.

V. John Aylmer, archdeacon of Stow.

vi. One whose name is not recorded.

Oct. 25. Of these, Mr. Philpot, one of a fervent spirit, but
not to any distemper, as some suspect, was so zeal-
ous against transubstantiation, that he offered to
maintain the negative by God's word, and confound
any six who should withstand him in that point;
" Or else," saith he, " let me be burned with as
" many fagots as be in London before the court
« gates ^"
Weston his 23. But Wcstou, the prolocutor in the convoca-
Mr. PhU- tion, threatened him with the prison, adding that he
^^ was a madman, meeter to be sent to Bedlam than

continue there. Philpot returned, he would think
Oct. 30. himself happy to be out of that company. " Nay,
" lest you slander the house," said Weston, " and
" say we will not suffer you to declare your mind,
" we are content you come into the house as for-
" merly, on two conditions : first, that you be appa-
" relied in a long ffown and tippet, as we are ;
" secondly, that you speak not but when I command
you." " Then," said Philpot, " I had rather be
absent altogether ;" and so it seems departed the
Dec. 13. place, and soon after the convocation ended, having

^ [Laity as well as clergy 53, 56.]
were unfavourable to protest- c Fox, Acts and Mon. p.
antism. SeeStrype'sMem.III. 141 3. [=111. 23.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 165

concluded all things to the hearts' desire of the a.d. 1553.
papists therein. '—

24. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner Phiipot

« I • J 1 • i r i • T • sealeth the

for his words spoken in the convocation. In vam truth with
did he plead the privilege of the place, commonly ^" ^^°*^'
reputed a part of parliament, alleging also how
Weston the prolocutor once and again assured them
that the queen had given them leave and liberty
fully and freely to debate of matters of religion,
according to their own conscience. Once at his
examination the lord Rich affirmed that the con-
vocation was no part of the parliament house ^ ; and
we must believe him herein, because a lawyer and
a lord chancellor; otherwise we have the statute
8 Hen. VI., "That the clergy of the convocation shall
** have such liberty as they that come to the par-
" liament." In fine, Philpot, in defence of the truth,
acted the valiant part of a martyr according to his
promise, though the scene was altered from the
court gates to Smithfield.

25. The match of queen Mary vnth Philip king Wyat's
of Spain was now as commonly talked of as generally ™nder the
distasted. To hinder the same, sir Thomas Wyat, ^^^^^
Kentish knight, took arms, with a great party assist- ^^^' ^°-
ing him. Saunders * saith, and that very truly, that

he was magnce potentite viriim, being indeed well
bom, well allied, well learned, well landed, and well
loved; wanting neither wit, wealth, nor valour,
though at present all were ill employed by him.
Indeed this his treason may be said to fall in labour,
some weeks before the full time thereof, occasioned

d Fox, Acts and Moii. p. « [De Schism. Angl. p.
1806. [= III. 552.] 230.]

M 3

166

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

A. D. 1554. by a sudden fright ; and therefore no wonder if the

'— issue thereof proved abortive. For Wyat, hearing

that one of his dear friends ^ was cast into the Fleet,
(though for a cause unrelating to this plot, to which
the party was privy,) suspected (as guilt is ever
jealous) that this his friend had betrayed the design ;
which made Wyat anticipisite the due date thereof,
and break out the sooner into open hostility ff.
'^^ , 26. The queen, hearing of his commotion, sent an

herald sent herald uuto him to desist, which herald came to sir

tmto him.

Thomas his house, deeply moated round about, the
bridge being drawn up, yet so that a place like a
ford pretended a safe passage thereunto. On the
inside thereof walked the proper case of a man well
habited, and his face carrying no despair of wisdom
therein. The herald asked him whether he might
safely go over there, to whom the other slightly
answered, " Yea, yea." But had not the strength of
his horse been more than ordinary, he either had
been drowned in the water or buried in the mud.
27. The herald, hardly escaping, fills all the house
J-I^J^ with complaints, that being an officer sent from the
queen under the protection of the public faith^ (hav-
ing his coat, his conduct, upon him,) he should be so

Almost
drowned

' [Proctor, ib. f. 2.]

ff [An account of Wyat's re-
bellion (the source from which
most of our chroniclers have
drawn their information) was
published this same year, under
the following title : •* The His-
'• tory of Wyates Rebellion,
•* with the order and manner
" of resisting the same ; where-
" unto in the end is added an
" earnest Conference with the
*' degenerate and seditious Re*

" bels for the search of the
" cause of their daily disorder.
" Made and compiled by John
*' Proctor. Mense Decembris^
'* anno 1554. Imprinted at
*^ London, by Robert Caly,
" within the precinct of the
" late dissolved house of the
" Gray Friars, now converted
to an hospital called Christ's
Hospital. The xxii. day of
" December, 1554." i2mo.]

«<

CKNT. XVI, of Britain. 167

wilfully abused by fklse directions, to the danger of a-d. 1554.

his life, by one of sir Thomas his servants. The '-

knight, highly offended at the fault, (as gentleman
enough, and enemy to actions of baseness,) summons
all his servants to appear before the herald, vowing
that the offender should be sent prisoner to the
queen with his legs bound beneath his horse's belly,
to receive from her the reward of his wickedness.

28. The herald challengeth the party at the first But aU
sight of him. ^^ Alas!" said sir Thomas, "he is a merriment.
" mere natural, as will appear if you please to
** examine him." " Why, sirrah," said the herald,
** did you direct me to come over where it was
** almost impossible to pass without drowning?"
To whom the other answered, " The ducks came
over not long before you, whose legs were shorter
than your horse's." Hereat the herald smiled out
his anger, adding withal, « Sir Thomas, hereafter let
** your fool wear the badge of his profession on him,
«* that he may deceive no more in this kind." But
pass we to matters of more moment. Wyat courte-
ously dismissed the herald, but denying to desist,
marched to Rochester, to meet his complices out
of the west of Kent, who came short unto him, as
intercepted and routed (with sir Henry Ilsley, their
conductor) by the lord Abergavenny \ though this
loss was presently repaired.

29- For when Thomas duke of Norfolk marched The Lon-
down with five hundred Londoners, in white coats, revolt to
to resist Wyat, and was now come to Stroud, on the^^'^^.
other side of Rochester, the Londoners revolted to
Wyat. Thus the most valiant leader cannot make
his followers loyal. Yet these Londoners, false to

»• [Henry NevilL]
M 4

168 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1554. forsake the duke, were faithful not to betray his
*^* person, which they might easily have done if so

disposed. Wyat is much elated with this supply, as
more in the omen than in itself; who, concluding
all Londoners of the same lump, hereby promised
himself easy entrance into that city, and hearty
entertainment therein.
Wyat'sin- 39. Wvat his insoleucv is said to rise with his

solenoe, and "^ •^

queen Mary success ; SO that, having a treaty with some of the
privy counsellors in his passage to London, he de-
manded unreasonable conditions, affirming that he
would rather be trusted than trust, and therefore
requiring the person of the queen, the Tower of
London to be committed unto him, with power to
displace evil counsellors ; not propounded with more
pride, but that with as much scorn they were
Feb. I. refused. Meantime queen Mary came to Guildhall,
and there made a long oration ; and indeed, if on
just occasion she could not speak confidently and
pertinently, she was neither daughter to her father
nor to her mother. Mr. Fox addeth that she seemed
to have perfectly conned her speech without book ^;
which, if so, sounds nothing to her disgrace, some
being for extempore prayers, but none to my know-
ledge for extempore policy. This her oration
secured the affections of the citizens unto her, as by
the sequel will appear.

Southwark g| Enterinff South wark, he enjoined his soldiers

entered, o ' j

and prisons to offor uo violcnco, or take any thing without pay-

[Feb. 3.] mentJ; yet Winchester House soon felt their fury,

though such, by his command, (a general can but

proclaim, and punish the breakers of his proclama-

'Acts and Mon. p. 141 9. [III. 30.] J [Stow's Chron. p. 619.]

CENT. XVI.

of BrHain,

169

tion,) were made exemplary for their rapine ^. Then a. d. 1554.
were the prisons (and South wark is well stored with ' ' ^^^'
houses of that kind) set open for such who were
guilty only of pretended heresy, not felony and mur-
der. But those who thanked him for his courtesy
refused the acceptance thereof, (a tender conscience
is a stronger obligation than a prison,) because as
they were legally committed they would be legally
discharged.

32. But now all the towers of the Tower, and the s<mthwark
tops of the square steeples near the bridge foot, on ston
the other side, were planted with ordnance (so that " Feb. 6. ^
both church and state threatened his ruin) ready to
be discharged into Southwark, either to beat down
the borough, or to force Wyat to depart ; who, per-
ceiving it impossible to force his passage into London
over the bridge, and moved with the miserable
moans of the Southwarkers, left their borough ; and
though towards the evening, marched swiftly, silently,
secretly to Kingston-upon-Thames. Speed begets
speed, quickness causeth success in matters of exe-

k [Their fury was directed
against Gardiner, then lord
chancellor ; and so maliciously
were they set against him, as
to spoil all his goods, though
without any benefit to them-
selves. " Divers of his com-
** pany," says Stow, ** being
" gentlemen, (as they said,)
*' went to Winchester Place,
** made havoc of the bishop's
'* goods ; not only of his vic-
" tuals, whereof there was
** plenty, but whatsoever else,
** not leaving so much as one
*• lock of a door, but the same
** was taken off and carried

*' away ; nor a book in his gal-
** lery or library uncut or rent
** into pieces, so that men might
** have gone up to the knees in
** leaves of books cut out and
'* thrown under feet." Stow, ib.
Indeed this rebellion was raised
as much upon religious as other
pretexts ; and it is much to be
regretted that the celebrated
Dr. Ponet, the bishop of Win-
chester, who afterwards went
over and died in Germany,
should have been a leader in
this commotion. See the anec-
dote mentioned respecting him
by Stow, Chron. 621.]

170 The Church History book viii.

A.D. i554.cution, as here in Wyat his coming to Kingston

I Al&rv

1- before any almost had notice of his motion.

The care- 33. But Wjat was not so much advantaged with
the queen his owu expedition as with the coincident oversights
her soidien. ^^ ^^^ quccu's party, whoso carolcssness and coward-
ice met together, enough to destroy her cause, had
not Divine Providence resolved with final success to
rectify all human mistakes. First, such set to order
Kingston Bridge did their work by halves, breaking
and not breaking it down ; so that, the substantials
standing, the rest were easily repaired for Wyat his
safe passage over. Secondly, two hundred men set
to defend the opposite bank quitted their station \
[on] the very sight of two pieces of ordnance planted
against them. Thirdly, the queen's scouts lost their
eyes, and deserved to lose their heads, who could
not discover a body of four thousand men marching
with a large train of artillery ; so that the queen had
notice thereof by the Kentish fugitives sooner than
by her own scouts "*.
Wyat his 34. But time soon gained by Wyat was as soon
retarded, lost, ou the accidcnt of a piece of ordnance breaking
its carriage. Now whilst the army waited the leisure
of bringing up this broken piece, (an hour to Wyat
being of greater consequence than the greatest gun,)
he came short of the time prefixed to such citizens
as were fautors of his cause ; otherwise he had been
at London in the night, taking his enemies napping
before they dreamt of him ; and all terror is most

1 Bishop Godwin's Annals was occupied in repairing his

of England in queen Mary, p. ordnance, and so made known

394, [Stow's Chron. p. 620.] the whole matter to thq queen.

>» [A rebel, named Harper, Stow, ib.]
slipped from him whilst Wyat

c£NT. XVI. of Britain, 171

active in the dark, when the less men see, the more a. d. 1554.

they suspect ; whereas now it was break of day be ^

fore they had gotten to Knightsbridge.

35. Wyat had a double design, and performed His douUe
them both alike : one violently to take Whitehall, ^^*
the other peaceably to be taken into London. Cap-
tain Vaughan, with five hundred Welshmen, (and
one would wonder how they should straggle into
Kent,) embraced the right-hand way towards West-
minster, and then wheeled away to Whitehall, his
men shooting their arrows (regardless where they
lighted) into the windows of the court, but could
not force their passage into it. Wyat went directly
to Charing Cross, where he met with some oppo-
sition, but continued his resolution for London.

86, Here one might have observed, that within Three tunea
three hours the tongue of the multitude in London?, three**'*
thrice altered their tunes. First they cried, ^°^'**-

i. "A Wyat, a Wyat!" every mouth giving the
alarm to the next man he met. The next note
was,

ii. " Treason, treason !" all suspecting that the
earl of Pembroke \ the queen's general, had revolted,
because, hovering aloof in the fields, he suffered
Wyat his van and main battle (cutting off some of
the rear) to march undisturbed, save with one shot,
from Ejiightsbridge to Charing Cross. Their next
tune was,

iii. " Down with the draggle-tails, down with the
draggle-tails ! "

And indeed no wonder if these Kentish men

n [William Herbert.]

172 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1554. (marching in the dark to avoid discovery, in the
-^ — ^!^ depth of winter, through dirty ways) were richly

landed in their clothes, and well fringed with mire
and mud about them.
Wyat 37. Wyat himself marched directly up the Strand

Ludg^! and Fleet Street, with the loss of less than twenty
men, and coming to Ludgate, promised himself en-
trance into the city ; but there he found nothing for-
bid his admission, save a strong gate close shut and
well fortified against him with men and ammunition.
From that minute he went backward both in motion
and success. Returning to Fleet Street, he sat down
on a bench over against the Bell Savage^ (an inn so
called because given by one Isabel Savage to the
company of cutlers ®,) and there too late began to
bemoan and accuse his own rashness. Retreating
to Temple Bar, he was faced with some horse ; and
after a fight, being moved by a herald to submit
himself, " Then will I yield," saith he, ** to a gentle-
" man :" and so submitted himself, say most p, to sir
Maurice Berkley ; say others \ to sir Clement Pas-
son : being in neither of them mistaken for their
gentle extraction.
Penitent at 88. Hcuce was he carried to Whitehall to be
tionr^"" examined, thence to the Tower to be committed.
April II. Entering therein, sir John Bridges, lieutenant there-
of, taking him by the collar, with his dagger in his
hand, " Ah ! traitor," saith he, " I would stab thee
" myself, but that I know thou wilt be executed '."

o Stow's Survey of London. ^ Holinsbed, [p. 1099. Wyat

PHolin8hed,[p.io98.] Stow, begged hard to have his life

[p. 621.] Speedy [ch. xxii. §. spared, promising to use all

45.] his influence to advance the

q Fox, p. 14 19. [III. 30.] queen's marriage, then gene-

CENT. XVI,

of Britain.

173

To whom the other calmly replied, "Sir, it is no a. d. 1554.
** mastery now." Some days after, he suffered peni- -J_1!!!!!Il
tently and patiently on the scaffold, condemning his
own act; and therefore we have spoken the less
against him, for speaking so much against himself.
Fifty of his complices were hanged ; four hundred,
led with ropes about their necks, pardoned by the
queen, and all things stilled and quieted s.

rally disliked by the nation ;
but his suit was denied, chiefly
by the interference of the em-
peror. •* The priests," says
Burnet, " at this time under-
** stood the interests of their
*' cause better than others did
'* above an age after ; for they
•• moved the queen to shew a
signal act of mercy, and to
pardon all that had been en-
'• gaged in this rising." Ref.
III. 225.]

■ [There is a very character.
istic notice in Stow, bearing
the marks of an authentic nar-
rative, of the reception of Wyat
and his complices at the Tower.
" About five of the clock," says
the chronicler, ** Thomas Wyat,
" William Knivett, Thomas
" Cobham, two brethren named
'* Mantel8,and Alexander Brett,
*• were brought by sir Henry
Jerningham, by water, to the
Tower, prisoners, where sir
Philip Denny received them
" at the Bulwark; and as Wyat
*' passed by, he said, ' Go, trai-
•* tor ! there was never such a
" traitor in England.' To whom
** sir Thomas Wyat turned and
** said, ' I am no traitor. I
'' would thou shouldst well
*' know thou art more traitor
•* than I : it is not the part of

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an honest man to call me so.*
And so went forth. When
he came to the Tower gate,
sir Thomas Bridges, lieute-
nant, took him through the
wicket^ first Mantel^ and
said, * Ah ! traitor, what
hast thou and thy company
wrought ?' But he, holding
down his head, said nothing.
Then came Thomas Knivett,
whom master Chamberlain,
gentleman porter of the
Tower, took in. Then came
Alexander Brett, whom sir
Thomas Pope took by the
bosom, saying, * Oh ! traitor,
how couldst thou find in thy
heart to work such a villain v,
as to take wages, and, being
trusted over a band of men,
to fall to her enemies, return-
ing against her in battle?*
Brett answered, ' Yea, I have
offended in that case/ Then
came Thomas Cobham, whom
sir Thomas Poines took in,
and said, ' Alas ! master Cob-
ham, what wind headed you
to work such treason ?* And
he answered, ' Oh ! sir, 1 was
seduced.' Then came sir
Thomas Wyat, whom sir John
Bridges took by the collar,
and said, ' Oh ! thou villain
and unhappy traitor, how

174

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

jealous of

cardinal

PooL

A. D. 1554. 39. Long since had queen Mary sent for cardinal

Pole, in Italy, to come over into England ; but

ror^wl^^ Charles the emperor, by the pope's power, secretly
retarded his return, fearing it might obstruct the
propounded marriage betwixt king Philip his son
and queen Mary. Indeed the queen bare Pole an
unfeigned affection ; and no wonder to him that con-
sidereth,

i. Their age ; he being about ten years older, the
proportion allowed by the philosopher betwixt hus-
band and wife.

ii. Parentage ; she being daughter to king Henry
the Eighth ; he, by his mother Margaret, (daughter
to George duke of Clarence,) great-grandchild to
Edward the Fourth's father.

iii. Education : both, when young, brought up to-
gether ; the aforesaid lady Margaret being governess
of queen Mary in her infancy *.

iv. Religion : both zealous catholics, and suffering,
the queen confinement, the cardinal exile for the
same.

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couldst thou find in thy heart
to work such detestable trea-
son to the queen's majesty,
who gave thee thy life and
living once already, though
thou didst before this time
bear arms in the field against
her, and now to yield her
battle, to her marvellous
trouble and fright? If it
were not,' saith he, • but that
the law must pass upon thee,
I would stick thee through
with my dagger.' To the
which Wyat, holding his arms
under his side, and looking
grievously with a grim look

'' upon the lieutenant, said,
" ' It is no mastery now ;* and
** so passed on. Thomas Wyat
" had on a shirt of mail, with
" sleeves very fair, thereon a
'* velvet cassock, and a yellow
" lace, with the windlace of his
" dag hanging thereon, and a
'* pair of boots and spurs on
" his legs ; and on his head a
" fair hat of velvet, with broad
" bone-work lace about it."
Chron. p. 622.]

* [Pole was fifty-four, a fact
of itself sufficient to refute this
absurd supposition.]

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 175

His person also and nature was such as might a. d. 1554.
deserve love ; and though a cardinal deacon, yet that — — ^!lL
shallow character might easily be shaved off by the
pope's dispensation ; so that there was some proba-
bility of their marriage : and oh ! how royally reli-
gious would their offspring have been, extracted from
a crown and a cardinal's cap.

40. But now, when the marriage with prince pooi at last
Philip was made up, Pole at last got leave for Eng- forE^^a.
land " ; and to v«dpe away all superstition of Luther-
anism wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became

a cruel, that he might be believed a cordial papist ;
for meeting in Brabant vrith Emanuel Tremellius,
requesting some favour from him, he not only denied
him relief, but also returned him railing terms, though
formerly he had been his familiar friend, yea, his
god&ther, giving him his name at the font when
Tremellius from a Jew first turned Christian *.

41. Arrived in England, he was first ordained is. ordained

priest) and

priest, (being but deacon before,) and then conse- consecrated
crated archbishop of Canterbury, by Heath, arch- ' °^*
bishop of York, and six other bishops, the queen
herself being present thereat, in the Franciscan
church at Greenwich, one of those bankrupt convents
which her grace had set up again y. Three days
after, he was dedicated in Bow Church, in Cheapside,
where, rich in costly robes, and sitting on a gilded
throne, his pall was presented unto him. Adorned
herevrfth, Pole presently mounts the pulpit, and
makes a dry sermon ' of the use and honour of the

^ [Where he arrived Nov. bishop until after Cranmer*s

24,1554. See Stow, 625.] death, and received his pall

» Parker's Antiq. 519, 523. March 25, 1556. Stow, 628.]

y [He was not created arch- ^ [Parker's Antiq. 526-7.]

176

The Church History

IBOOK VIII.

England
reconciled
to Rome.

A.D. 1554. pall, without good language or matter therein, (may

J !!Zl_ they all make such who take for their text what is

not in scripture,) many much admiring the jejune-
ness of his discourse, as if putting off his parts when
putting the pall upon him.

42. Now sat the second parliament in this queen s
reign, wherein she parted with her supremacy to the
pope ; and Pole, by his power legatine, solemnly
reconciled England to the church of Rome ; that is,
set it at open odds and enmity with God and His
truth. Then did he dispense with much irregularity
in several persons, confirming the institution of cler-
gymen in their benefices, legitimating the children
of forbidden marriages, ratifying the processes and
sentences in matters ecclesiastical; and his dispen-
sations were confirmed by acts of parliament, as in
the statutes at large appear. Then was Anthony
Brown, viscount Mountacute% Thirlby, bishop of Ely,
and sir Edward Carne, sent on a congratulatory em-
bassy to pope Paul the Fourth, to tender England's
thanks for his great favours conferred thereon ^ ; a

* [Created viscount Moun-
tague, Sept. 2, 1554. See Stow,
p. 625.]

b [According to archbishop
Parker, (Antiq. 525,) Pole ex-
ercised this part of his legatine
power in 1554, immediately on
his arrival in England. At the
time of his entry, a parliament
was then holden at Westmin-
ster, to which the cardinal was
conducted with great solem-
nity; and after a few words
from Stephen Gardiner, bishop
of Winchester, then lord chan-
cellor, he proceeded to address
the house, exhorting them to

abolish such laws as had been
passed during the separation of
this kingdom from the Romish
see, and to return to their alle-
giance to that church. His
speech, which was couched in
very elegant language, was re-
ceived in general with great
admiration and applause ; his
own party more particularly
were loud in their praise, ex-
claiming that the day was a
day of new birth to them and
their hopes. The speech was
afterwards translated into Latin
by the celebrated Roger As-
cliam,and transmitted to Rome.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

177

sad and certain presage of heavy persecution, which a. d. 1554.
immediately did ensue. '—

(Epist. p. 24.) And the car-
dinal's legatine authority being
at once acknowledged, he pro-
ceeded, on the third day after,
upon the supplication of the
parliament, to absolve this
realm, and afterwards to recon-
cile it to the holy see. The
form of absolution which the

cardinal used on this occasion
isprinted byHeylyn,Ref.p.2i2,
Dodd in his Church History, vol.
II. p. 62^ new ed. ; and a short
abstract of the various letters
and papers which passed on the
occasion of Pole's coming into
this country will be found in
Burnet, Ref. III. 228, fol.]

FULLER, VOL. IV.

SECT. IL

MR. THOMAS BOWYER,

OF THE OLD JEWRY, MERCHANT a.

You may with much joy peruse this sad story of persecution
presented unto yoUy whose grandfather , Francis Bowyer **,
brought no fuel to these flames , but endeavoured to quench
them. The Church is indebted to him for saving reverend

a [Arms. Or, a bend vair,
cottised»sable."Thoma8Bowyer,
" of London, merchant, 1634,"
as he is entered in the Visita-
tion for that year, (Harl. MSS.
1476,) was the second son of
Robert Bowyer and Margaret
Cordell. The elder branch of
the family, who enjoyed the
honour of knighthood, were
settled at Denham in the county
of Bucks, where they still re-
main at the present day. In
the inscription on the father's
monument in the church of
St. Olave's Jewry, (see Stow*s
Survey, vol. I. iii. 57,) erected
by this and his other sons, they
are all stated to be bachelors.
Either he died without issue

or removed from London, as
his name does not occur in
the Visitation of London taken
about thirty years after. Fuller
again acknowledges the kind-
ness of this generous patron
in his Pisgah Sight, (Map^ p.
1 03 : ) '* Thomae Bowyer, viro
*' antiquse fidei, mercatori Lon-
*' dinensi, inter principes stu-
*' diorum suorum fau tores me-
*' morando, pro largo benefi-
" ciorum imbrse recepto, &c."
And in the larger map prefixed
to the same work is a dedication
to Robert Cordell, Bowver's
n^aternal relation.]

h Afterward sheriff of Lon-
don, anno 1577, [and alderman.
See Stow's Survey, p. 588.]

CENT. XVI. The Church Hinlory of Britain. 179

Dr. Alexander Noicel, {then schoolmaster of Westminster,
designed to death by Bonner,) and sending him safe
beyond the seas. UTitis he laid a good foundation, to
which limpute the firm standtrtg of gaur family ,■ it being
rare to see (as in yours) the third generation, in London,
living in the same habitation. May many more of the
stock succeed in the same, the desire of

Your obliged Friend,

T. F.

E come now to set down those par-A.D. i.tsj.
ticular martjTS that suffered in this J — !!Il,
queen's reign ; but this point hath i^!j^of '"^
been handled already so curiously andf"""*™^'-
copiously by Mr. Fox, that his industry
herein hath starved the endeavours of such as shall
sncceed him, leaving nothing for their pens and pains
to feed upon. Foi' what can the man do that cometh
after the king f even that which hath been already
done, saith Solomon ". And Mr. Fox appearing sole
emperor in this subject, all posterity may despair to
add any remarkable discoveries which have escaped
his observation. Wherefore to handle this subject
after him, what is it but to light a candle to the
sun? or rather, (to borrow a metaphor from his
book,) " to kindle one single stick to the burning
" of so many fagots ?" However, that our pains
may not wholly be wanting to the reader herein,
-we will methodize these martyrs according to the
several dioceses, and make on them some brief ob-
servations ''.

° ficdes. ii. 12. shewed no severity to the re-

^ [In reference to this mat- formers generally until after

ler it ought in fairness to have Wyat's insurrection, in which

been stated, that the qnecn treasonable attempt so many

180

The Church History

BOOK YIII.

A. D. 1555. 2. In the diocese of Exeter (containing Cornwall
;— and Devonshire) I find but one martyr, namely,

Pcrsccutioii

inthedio- Agncs Priost *, Condemned by William Stanford,
^/^ ■ then judge of the assize of Launceston, but burned
at Exeter. The tranquillity of these parts is truly
imputed to the good temper of James Turberville,
the bishop ^, one as genteelly qualified as extracted,
and not so cruel to take away the lives from others
as careful to regain the lost livings to his church;
and indeed he recovered to him and his successors
the fee-farm of the manor of Crediton fl^. Yet to
shew his sincerity in religion, that he might not
seem to do nothing, he dipped his fingers in this
poor woman's blood, but did not afterwards wash
his hands in the persecution of any other protestant,
for aught we can find in any history.
Inthedio- 3. The like quiet disposition of Gilbert Bourn,
and Weib. bishop of Bath and Wells, secured Somersetshire.
Indeed he owed his life, under God, to the protec-
tion of a protestant ; for Mr. Bradford, at Paul's
Cross, saved him from a dagger thrown at him in
a tumult ; and this, perchance, made him the more
tender to protestants' lives**. Yet, in the register

protestants took part; the sup-
pression of which attempt, as it
was the primary cause why
many fled to Germany, so also
did it serve for a continual pre-
text to the council for urging
the clergy to the extirpation of
heresy.]

e Fox, 205 2. [III. 888, 1 01 9.]

^ Holinshed, p. 1309.

? [Of him Dr. Heylyn says,

that he was " well born and

" well befriended, by means

** whereof he recovered some

'* lands into his see which had
** been alienated from it by his
" predecessor, (Veysey;) and.
** amongst others, the rich and
" goodly manors of Crediton
** or Kirton in the county of
** Devon, in former times the
** episcopal seat of the bishop
'* of Exeter, though afterwards
** again dismembered from it
" in the time of queen Eliza-
" beth, by bishop Cotton." Ref.
228.]

^ [Fox, III. 17. Strype's

CENT. XVI. ofBntain, 181

of his church, we meet with one Richard Lush con- a. 0.1555,
demned by him*, though his execution doth not-iL-!!lL
appear ; and yet it is probable that this poor Isaac,
thus bound to the altar, was afterward sacrificed,
except some intervening angel stayed the stroke of
the sword.

4. So also the diocese of Bristol, made up ofinthedio-

C6SC of

Dorsetshire and part of Gloucestershire, enjoyed BnstoL
much quietness. John Holyman the bishop did not,
for aught I can find, profane himself with any bar-
barous cruelty ; but Mr. Dalby, his chancellor, (as
an active lieutenant to a dull captain,) sent three
(namely, Richard Sharpe, Thomas Benyon, and Tho-
mas Hale) to the stake at Bristol for the testimony
of the truth ^. This Dalby, knowing himself to be
low in parts and learning, and despairing otherwise
to appear in the world, thought the only way to
recommend himself to men's notice was to do it by
his cruelty.

5. More sparks of persecution flew into the dio- ^^ the dio.

* -^ cese of Sa-

cese of Salisbury, in Wiltshire and Berkshire, under Hsbury.
John Capon, the bishop, and Dr. Jeffrey, his chan-
cellor ; for this Doeg was worse than Saul himself.
At Newbury he sent three martyrs to heaven in
the same chariot of fire, Julius Palmer, John Gwin,
and Thomas Askin I Yea, this was but a light
flourish in respect of that great blow he intended,
had not Heaven prevented him, and many others of
his bloody crew, by the death of queen Mary ;

Mem. III. ai. Unfortunately set in the pillory. See Strype,

for Fuller's hypothesis, various ib.]

protestant ministers took active ^ Fox^ p. 2004. [III. 826.]
ports in this disgraceful tumult; ^ Fox, p. 2052. [III. 892.]
for which one was afterwards l Fox, p. 1940. [III. 733.]

N 3

182 The Church History book viii.

A.D. i555.wherebv, to use David's phrase, God smote them on

^ ^ ^^' the cheek-hone^ and brake tlie teeth of the ungodly "".

inthedio- 6. In the diocese of Winchester, consisting of

^wj^A £wg

wiDcho- Hantshire and Surrey, I find no great impression

*^* from Stephen Gardiner, the bishop, and much marvel

thereat °. It may be this politician, who managed

his malice with cunning, spared his own diocese,

fox-like preying ferthest fit)m his own den. . Indeed

"' Psalm iii. 7. " care non queam. Non defue^
" [This prelate seems scarcely *' runt qui cursum benevolenlia
to have received a fair measure *' illius in me conali sunt impe-
of equity ; he was hardly (not " dire, religionis causa, sed
to say unfairly) treated in the " nihil prof uerunt, Itaqueplu-
preceding reign, and has missed *' rimum debeo Wintoniensis
the commendation for his '* humanitati, et plurimum de-
conduct during queen Mary's " beo. Neque ego solus sed
reign to which he is justly en- " multi etiam alii experti sunt
titled. Although the duke of " iUius humanitalem," Epist.
Northumberland had proved p. 51, ed. Oxon, 1703, Ha-
his bitterest enemy, yet Gar- drian Junius, another protest-
diner had so much compassion ant, physician to Edward VI.,
for him as not only to visit this is no less warm in the bishop's
unhappy man in the Tower, commendation^ (Epist. p. 1 2 j)
but also to use his influence and finally, when some thoughts
with the queen, that had it not were entertained at the com-
been for the emperor, he would mencement of this reign of
have gained her consent for the detaining Peter Martyr, the
duke's life. (Burnet, III. 222.) bishop's fierce opponent, not
In this very year, 1555, we find only was Gardiner's interest
Roger Ascham, with whom in exerted in his favour, (the bi-
religious opinions Gardiner shop being at that time lord
could certainly not coincide, chancellor,) but he was also
thus writing of this prelate in liberally furnished by the bi-
a letter to another equally zeal- shop's bounty with all things
ous protestant, John Sturmius: necessary for his departure.
Stephanus Episcopus Win- Wood's Antiq. Univ. (>xon. p.
toniensis summus Angl' Can- 275, fol. ed. This was surely
cellarius summa humanitate no slight virtue in Gardiner^ so
*' atque favore me complexus much more deserving of com-
" est ; ut paratior fuerit Pa- mendation, especially consider.
** gettusneinmecommendando, ing the unjust treatment with
'* an Wintoniensis in me tuendo which he had been visited in
<* atque ornando facile dijudi- the preceding reign.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

183

he would often stay behind the traverse, and send a. d. 1555.

•^ 3 Mary.

Bonner upon the stage (free enough of himself,

without spurring, to do mischief) to act what he
had contrived. Yea, I may say of Gardiner that he
had an head, if not an hand, in the death of every
eminent protestant, plotting, though not acting, their
destruction ; and, being lord chancellor of England,
he counted it his honour to fly at stout game in-
deed, contriving the death of the lady Elizabeth,
and using to say, that it was vain to strike at the
branches whilst the root of all heretics doth remain.
And this good lady was appointed for the slaughter,
and brought to the shambles, when the seasonable
death of this butcher saved the sheep alive ®.

7- However, as bloody as he was, for mine own The au-
part I have particular gratitude to pay to the memory tit^de ST"
of this Stephen Gardiner, and here I solemnly tender o^^i^er.
the same: it is on the account of Mrs. Clarke,
my great grandmother by my mother's side, whose
husband rented Famham Castle, a place whither
bishop Gardiner retired, in Surrey, as belonging to
his see. This bishop, sensible of the consumptionous
state of his body, and finding physic out of the
kitchen more beneficial for him than that out of the

o [Tbe bishop died Nov. 1 2,
1555. Stow, 627. The ca-
lumny against Gardiner, men-
tioned in the text, is sufficiently
refuted by the queen's own de-
claration, as Burnet observes,
Ref. III. 227. Nay, more, it
is certain from various authen-
tic papers (Tytler, II. 339) that
so ^r from plotting the death
of the princess, Gardiner, at
the hazard of the queen's dis-
pleasure, interposed frequently

in her behalf. See Notes to
Dodd, II. 96. And yet, had he
been over-watchful, he would
not have exceeded his duty,
since it is very well known that
Elizabeth had been a party to
Wyat's, and subsequently to
Dudley's treason. In excuse
for Fuller, it may be stated
that he trusted to the asser-
tions of that dishonest historian
Fox.]

N 4

184 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1555. apothecary's shop, and special comfort from the cor-
"* ^^' dials she provided him, did not only himself connive

at her heresy, as he termed it, but also protected
her during hi? life from the ftiry of others. Some
will say this his courtesy to her vi^as founded on his
kindness to himself ; but, however, I am so far from
detaining thanks from any deserving on just cause,
that I am ready to pay them where they are but
pretended due on any colour.
inthediu. 8. Sussex Smarted more than all the forenamed
Chester, couutics together, under John Christopherson, bishop
of Chichester. This man was well learned, and had
turned Eusebius his Ecclesiastical History into Latin,
with all the persecutions of the primitive Christians.
What he translated in his youth he practised in his
age, turning tyrant himself; and scarce was he warm
in his bishopric, when he fell a burning the poor
martyrs : ten in one fire at Lewes p, and seventeen
others at several times in sundry places.
In the dio- 9* lu the dioccso of Canterbury cardinal Pole ap-
J^ury.*'* P^^red not personally active in the prosecution of
any to death. Whilst others impute this to his
stateliness, not stooping to so small matters, we more
charitably ascribe it to his favouring of the protest-
ant party, having formerly lost the papacy under
that imputation. But seeing it is a true maxim,
which an heathen man layeth down, " It is enough
" for a private man that he himself do no wrong,
** but a public person must provide that those under
" him do no injury to others," I see not how the
cardinal can be excused from the guilt of that inno-
cent blood which Thornton his suffragan, and Harps-

P Fox, pp. 2003, 2004. [III. 799.]

CENT. XVI.

ofBiitain.

185

field his archdeacoD, shed like water in and about a. d. 1555.
the city of Canterbury. ^ ^^'

10. The diocese of Rochester, containing the re- in the dio-
mainder of Kent, was of small extent ; but that ^ter. ^
flock must be very little indeed out of which the
ravenous wolf cannot fetch some prey for himself.
Morris [Griffin], the bishop, played the tyrant therein,
being the first in queen Mary's days that condemned

a woman (Margery PoUey by name) to be burnt for
religion ; with many moe, who, at Dartford or Ro-
chester, sealed the truth with their lives.

11. Cross we the Thames, to come into Middle- in the dio-

J -ni .1 •!• T J ji»T_ cese of Lon-

sex and £issex, the diocese of London under bishop don, under
Bonner, whom all generations shall call bloody ^. ^'*'*®''*
St. Paul mentioneth his fighting with beasts at
Ephesus after the mannei' of men ^ which some ex-
pouxid his encountering with people, men for their
shape and sex, but beasts for their cruel minds and
manners : in the same sense we may say, that lion,
tiger, wolf, bear, yea, a whole forest of wild beasts,
met in Bonner, killing two hundred in the compass
of three years ; and as if his cruelty had made him
metropolitan of all England, he stood not on dis-
tinction of dioceses, but martyred all, wheresoever
he met them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gar-
diner's jurisdiction, and often pleaded in vain that
Bonner was none of his ordinary ; yet Bonner (or-

4 [It is some mitigation in
Bonner's cruelty, when it is
remembered how continually
and sharply he was urged by
letters from the council to pro-
ceed against heretics. See Bur-
net, III. 228, 242, 244, 256,
258. And again, in the last
year of queen Mary's reign, we

find a letter addressed by the
council to Bonner, urging him
to greater measures of severity.
Burnet, ib. 263. Lay interfer-
ence was just as injurious in
this as in the preceding reign,
only in a different way. See
particularly Burnet, III. 246.]
' I Cor. XV. 32.

186

The Church History

BOOK via.

Under Dr.
Story.

A.D.i555.(linary or extraordinary) dispatched him, who cared
-iLU!2Lnot whence men came, but only whither he sent
them. No sex, quality, or age escaped him, whose
fury reached from John Fetty, (a lad of eight years
old, by him scourged to death,) even unto Hugh
Laverock, a cripple, sixty-eight years old, whom he
caused to be burnt.

12. Dr. Story, dean of Paul's % must not be for-
gotten, being under Bonner a most cruel persecutor.
Was not this false heraldry, cruelty on cruelty?
Well, so it seemed good to Divine Providence, as
conducing most to the peace of the church, that one
place rather than two should be troubled with such
damnable tyrants. Bonner persecuted by wholesale,
Story by retail ; the former enjoined, the latter at-
tended the execution ; what Bonner bade. Story
beheld to be performed; yea, sometimes he miade
cruel additions of his own invention, as when he
caused a fagot to be tossed in the face of Mr. Den-
ley the martyr, when he was ready to be burnt*.
How he was rewarded afterwards for his cruelty, by
God's blessing, in due place ".

s [Dr. Story was not dean
of St. Paul's, but Feckenham,
afterwards abbot of Westmin-
ster. See note in bishop God-
win's Catalogue, p. 570.]
t [Fox, Acts, &c. III. 390.1
^ [Holinshed (p. 1 1 80) says
that Dr. Story spoke to this
effect in his speech (i Eliz.)
in parliament : ** That whereas
** he was noted commonly
" abroad, and much com-
" plained of to have been a
** great doer and setter forth
" of such religion, orders, and
" proceedings as of his late so-

*' vereign that dead is (queen
" Mary) were set forth in this
" realm, he denied nothing the
'* same ; protesting moreover
'' that he had done nothing
'' therein but that both his
" conscience did lead himthere-
'* unto, and also his commis-
" sion did as well then com-
*' mand him, as now also doth
" discharge him for the same ;
'' being no less ready now also
** to do the like, and more, in
** case he by this queen were
'* authorized likewise and com-
" manded thereunto." He pro-

CENT. XVI.

(if Britain.

187

18. Under the same torrid zone of persecution, a. d. 1555.
but a little more temperate, lay Norfolk and Suffolk, ^- ---^'-^
in the diocese of Norwich. Bishop Hopton wasj^^^^"^
unmerciful in his visitations ; but Downing, the^'c^
chancellor, played the devil himself, enough to make
wood dear in those parts, so many did he consume

ceeded to say, that he was not
sorry for what he had done,
}>tit rather that he had not
done more, and wished that he
had struck at the root instead
of thq biiindbes, &c. This was
interpreted to mean the queen.
That Story had been guilty
of cruelty in his zeal for po-
pery can scarcely be doubted ;
he was a man of a hasty and
▼ery warm temper, and a most
earnest and passionate defender
of what he called the catholic
^th; yet, if we may credit
his defence of himself at his
execution, instead of exceeding
his commission under queen
Mary^ he endeavoured to miti-
gate its severity. Ue asserts
that, being a layman, he had
no power to contravene the
sentence pronounced by the
bishop ; that on several occa-
sions, when some of the pri-
soners were sent to him, he
kept them in his house, " with
'* such fare," he says, ''as I
** had provided for myself and
" my family, at mine own cost
'* and charge ; and to prove
" that I am not so cruel as I
** am reported to be, let this
*' one tale suffice : There were
" at one time twenty-eight
" condemned to the fire, and I
" moved the dean of Paul's to
** tender and pity their estate.

" which after was abbot of
" Westminster, a very pitiful-
" minded man ; I think the

most part of you know him ;
* it is 'M. Fecknam ; and we

went' up and persuaded with
" them, and we found them
" very tractable; and Mr.Feck-
" nam and I laboured to the
** lord cardinal Pole, shewing
** that they were * nescientes
•' quidfecerunt,* The cardinal
*• and we did sue together to
" the queen, and laid both the
" swords together, and so we
*' did obtain pardon for them
"all, saving an old woman that
•' dwelt about Paul's church-
*' yard : she would not convert,
" and therefore she was burned.
*' Yea, and it was my procure-
" ment that there should be no
" more burnt in London ; for
** I saw well that it would not
" prevail, and therefore we sent
*' them into odd comers into
*' the country. Wherefore I
" pray you name me not cruel;
" I would be loth to have any
*' such slander to run on me."
This speech is in Somers'
Tracts, I. 485 ; and although
published in a life of him writ-
ten by a zealous protestant,
contains the best defence of his
conduct, and is exceedingly
worth perusal.]

188 The Chirch History book viii.

A. D. 1555. to a^hes, whose several examinations are at large

-i !!Zl set down in the Book of Martyrs,

In the dio- 14. Ely diocese, Cambridgeshire, succeeds, whose
'**'** ^'bishop, Dr. Thirlby, was a learned, discreet, and
moderate man; witness his meek behaviour at the
degrading of archbishop Cranmer, shedding plentiful
tears thereat. But can water and fire, weeping and
burning, come from the same person ? Surely so it
did here ; for afterwards he singled out John Hullier,
(as the representative for all the protestants in his
diocese,) whom he caused to be burnt at Cambridge.
The shedding his blood was as giving earnest of his
zeal in the popish cause, though afterward he made
no farther payment in this kind; justly offending
the protestants for doing so much, yet scarcely pleas-
ing the papists because he did no more. As for the
execution of William Woolsey and Robert Pigot in
this diocese, Thirlby was no whit interested therein ;
but the guilt thereof must be shared betwixt Dr.
Fuller, the chancellor, and other commissioners.
In the dio- 15. In Peterborough diocese, consisting of North-
terborough. amptoushiro and Rutland, I find but one (John
Kurde, a shoemaker) burnt at Northampton ; but
this his death I cannot charge on the account of
David Pool, the bishop, as consenting thereunto,
because William Binslev, bachelor of law and chan-
cellor of Peterborough, was only his active prose-
cutor.
In the dio- 16. Liucolu diocesc is next, the largest of the
coin. whole kingdom, containing Lincoln, Leicester, Hunt-
ingdon, Bedford, and Buckingham, besides parts of
Hertford and Warwick shires. Now, according to
the rules of proportion, who could expect otherwise
but the moe men the moe martyrs, the greater the

CENT. XVI. of Britaw. 180

province the more grievous the persecution? But a. 0.1555,

it fell out the clean contrary, finding but one martyr — —

in all that space of ground, a mercliant's servant,
burnt at Leicester *. Frivolous is their reason who
imputo this to the disposition of ^XTiite, bishop of
this diocese the first half of queen Mary's reign,
whom they behold as poetically given, of more fancy
than fury, which vented itself in verses ; more pleased
to lash the heretics with a satire, than suck their
blood by destructive courses. As little credit is to
be given to their conceit who ascribe the following
tranquillity of this diocese to bishop Watson, Wliite's
successor therein ; because he was a man so buried
in the speculations of school-divinity, that it unac-
tived him to be practical in persecution. I say
again, both these reasons amount not to any partial
cause of the peace of this diocese ; for we know full
well that after the coming in of queen Elizabeth,
this White and this Watson discovered keenness and
fierceness of spirit against her, more than any other
bishops ; insomuch that they threatened her with an
excommunication. I conceive the true cause was
this: Lincoln diocese, in the reign of Henry the
Eighth, had borne the heat of the day, when Buck-
inghamshire alone (as we have formerly observed y)
afforded more martyrs than all England beside. God
therefore thought it fit that other dioceses should
now take their turns : that this of Lincoln, harraged
out before, should now lie fallow ; whilst other coun-
tries, like rest-ground, should suffer persecution,
whereon indeed the ploughers ploughed^ and made
long furrows,

* Fox, vol. III. p. 706. y Lib. 4, cent. xvi. par. 2.

190

The Church History

BOOK viir.

Quiet in
four dio-
ceses.

A.D. 1555. 17. The dioceses of Oxford, Gloucester, Hereford,
^' ^'^' and Worcester, under their respective bishops, Ro-
bert King, James Brook, Robert Parfew, and Richard
Pates, enjoyed much quiet ; it being true of them,
what is said of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, after
the conversion of Paul : Then had the churches rest
throughout all those places *. This principally flowed
from God's gracious goodness, who would not have
all places at once equally embroiled. It is not fit
that all the rooms in the house should only be chim-
ney, furnace, or oven, but that it should also afford
some other places for quiet repose. And yet I won-
der much that we find no fire, and very little smoke,
in Gloucestershire ; seeing Brook, the bishop thereof,
is charactered to be " a great persecutor of protest-
" ants *." Indeed his fury spent itself most abroad ;
who, either being or accounting himself a great
scholar, stickled much at Oxford against archbishop
Cranmer, pretending himself to be a commissioner
immediately delegate from the pope, and venting his
malice against that good prelate in two orations, only
remarkable for their length and bitterness.

inthedio- jg, Ralph Bayucs was bishop of Coventry and

cese 01 (Jo*

* Acts ix. 31.

a Isaacson's Chronology, p.
477. [Merely from the fashion
which people then had and still
have of affixing the epithets of
cruel persecutor to the Roman
catholic prelates, without care*
fully examining the foundation
of such charges. The fact of
no persecution being permitted
in Gloucestershire ought to
have been a sufficient proof;
facts surely against the bare
assertion of a compiler of no

value or authority, especially
when those facts are on the
side of charity i Wood's cha-
racter of this prelate is more in
conformity with all that is au-
thentically preserved respecting
him : '*Quod ad Brochium atti-
'' net, vir erat eruditione haud
** vulgari, eloquentia minime
" contemnenda, comitate vero
'* morumque facilitate prOTsuR
*' amplectenda inque pretio ha-
•* benda." Hist. Univ. p. 278.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 191

Lichfield, late professor of Hebrew in Paris, who ad. 1555.

,3 Mary.

also wrote a Comment on the Proverbs °, and dedi-

cated it to Francis the first, king of France. Sure I i^cUfieS!
am he forgat a passage of Solomon's therein, (Prov.
xiv. 21,) But he that hath mercy on the poor^ happy
is he ; this Baines proving a bloody persecutor of
Grod*8 poor servants in his jurisdiction. The gentle
birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewes was not too
high for him to reach at ; and the poor condition of
Joan Wast, a blind woman in Derby, was not too
low for him to stoop to, condemning them both to
death, with many other faithful witnesses of the
truth.

19. The archbishopric of York enjoyed much in the dio-
peace and tranquillity under Dr. Nicholas Heath, a^^,
meek and conscientious man ^. It is enough to in-
timate his moderate temper, equal and disengaged

from violent extremities, that primo Elizahethce in
the disputation between the papists and protestants,
he was chosen by the privy council one of the mode-
rators. And as he shewed mercy in prosperity, he
found it in adversity, in the reign of queen Elizabeth,
though deposed from his dignity, reposed in a peace-
able quietness ; so that his impotent age might rather
seem seasonably eased of troublesome greatness, than
abridged of any requisites for his comfortable sup-
portation.

20. Dr. Cotes was bishop of Chester, who washed in the dio-
his hands in the blood of Mr. George March, burnt ^ter.
at Chester; at whose execution I understand not

the addition of a pitched barrel placed above his

^ Pitz, In vita, p. 759. cellor on the death of bishop

c [He was made lord chan. Gardiner. Stow, 627.]

192 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1555. head, certainly to inflame the flame, but whether out

-^-^^ '- of kindness to hasten his death, or cruelty to increase

his pain, I dare not decide. Sure I am Cotes died
soon after, and Cuthbert Scot succeeded in his
bishopric, one very busy about the burning of Bucer's
body in Cambridge, but otherwise I find no perse-
cution raised by him in his own diocese.
Peace in 21. The bishopric of Durham had halcyon days
ric^of ikI?I of ease and quiet, under God and good Cuthbert
Tunstall, the bishop thereof, a learned man, of a
sweet disposition, rather devout to follow his own
than cruel to persecute the conscience of others;
indeed, he being present in London at the examina-
tion of divers martyrs, would sometimes fly out in
base and unbeseeming language, as when he called
bishop Hooper beast for being married ; yet his pas-
sion herein may the rather be pardoned, because
politicly presumed, to bark the more, that he might
bite the less, as appeared by his courteous carriage
in his own diocese; for I meet with the marginal
note in Mr. Fox **, which indeed justly deserved even
in the fairest letters to be inserted in the body of his
book : " Note, that bishop Tunstall, in queen Mary's
'* time, was no great bloody persecutor ; for master
" Russel, a preacher, was before him, and Dr. Himner,
" his chancellor, would have had him examined more
" particularly. The bishop stayed him, saying, * Hi-
" therto we have had a good report among our neigh-
'* hours ; I pray you bring not this man's blood upon
" my head.' " But more of this Cuthbert Tunstall
hereafter.
^"^.<5^ 22. The diocese also of Carlisle was not molested

Carliue.

d Vol. III. p. 958.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 193

with any great troubles under Owen Oglethorj), the a.d. 1555.

bishop thereof, one qualified with a moderate tem- -i 1-

per. It argueth no less, because afterward he crowned
queen Elizabeth, an office which all other bishops
then stiffly denied to perform. But, to speak plain
English, though the peaceableness of these northern
bishoprics proceeded partly from the mildness of
those that sat in the episcopal chairs thereof, yet
it must be remembered that even want of matter for
persecution to work on conduced much to the peace
of those places ; the beams of the gospel being
neither so bright nor so hot in these parts, where
ignorance and superstition generally prevailed.

28. The same may be said of all Wales, where. The singu-

-. .J 11 larityofthe

castmg over our eye, we discover no considerable wshop of
persecution under the bishops of Asaph and Bangor;
but as for the bishop of Llandaff ®, his proceedings
against good Rawlins White (whom he caused to
be burnt at Cardiff) was remarkable, as standing
alone, without precedent ; for he caused his chaplain
to say a mass (the first, I believe, that found out,
and last that used that way) for the conversion of
the said Rawlins, though the same proved ineffec-
tual.

24. But Dr. Morgan, bishop of St. David's, is The cruelty
paramount for his cruelty, passing the sentence ofbishopof
condemnation on Robert Farrar, his immediate pre- ®*"^^''-
decessor, whom he caused to be burnt at Caermar-
then. We know whose counsel it was. This is the
heir, come let m kill him^ that the inheritance may be
ours ^ ; and Morgan never thought himself in quiet
possession of his bishopric whilst Farrar was as yet

« [Dr. Kitchiii.] ^ Luke xx. 14.

FULLER, VOL. IV. O

194 The Church History book viii.

A- ^- «5S5- in possession of his life. However, herein Morgan

'— out-Bonnered even Bonner himself, who (though not

out of pity, of policy) did not himself condemn Rid-
ley his predecessor, but procured him to be sent to
Oxford, to be sentenced by others; whereas this
bishop himself pronounced the sentence on Farrar,
an act which no good man could, and no wise man
would have done. Thus have we briefly surveyed
all the dioceses in England, the universities of Cam-
bridge and Oxford only excepted, which, being pecu-
liars, and exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, are
reserved for a particular description, by God's bless-
ing, at the end of this book. Nor do we forget
(though acted out of the continent of England) that
cruel murder in the isle of Guernsey, where the
infent bursting out of the mother's womb (the cruel
fire being so merciful as to be the midwife, to sepa-
rate and tender the innocent babe from the con-
demned mother, to the charity of the beholders) was
first taken out of the fire, and then cast in again ^,
and burnt with the mother thereof ^.

Md^kst' ^^' ^^ ^ ^^^® army of martyrs, Mr. John Rogers,
of the mar- bumt in Smithfield February the 4tli, 1555, led the
van ; and five martyrs bumt at Canterbury, Novem-
ber the 10th, 1558, (namely, John Comford, Chris-
topher Browne, John Herst, John Snoth, and Katha-
rine Knight,) brought up the rear, according to their
own prayer (not to say prophecy) at the stake, that
they might be the last, as by God's mercy it so
proved. All these were executed in the four last
years of queen Mary's reign, none suffering in the

^ Fox, vol. III. p. 747. only were exposed to persecu-

K [Of the twenty-six dioceses tion, according to our author's
here mentioned by Puller, nine statement.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 195

first year thereof; in which time the butchers under a. d. 1555.
her did only prepare their shambles for slaughter, -^ — ^^
whet their knives, and make ready their instruments
of cruelty. Comparisons, I know, are odious, and
the more when made betwixt persons of eminency ;
however, to such as peruse the whole story, these
proportions will appear true: Of all the Marian
martyrs, Mr. Philpot was the best bom gentleman ;
bishop Ridley the profoundest scholar ; Mr. Bradford
the holiest and devoutest man ; archbishop Cranmer
of the mildest and meekest temper ; bishop Hooper
of the sternest and austerest nature ; Dr. Taylor had
the merriest and pleasantest wit ; Mr. Latimer had
the plainest and simplest heart ; &c. Oh the variety
of these several instruments ! Oh their joint harmony
in a consort to God's glory !

26. It is observable that the sacrament of the The

sacra-

altar WBB the main touchstone to discover the poor Ster the
protestants. Many, indeed, are the differences be- ^^^
twixt us and the Romish church, but on this point P«>te8t»nt«.
the examiners pinched most ; haply because, in other
controversies, protestants (hunted after by those
bloodhounds) might take covert under some tole-
rable distinction, and thereby evade the danger;
whereas this point of the real, corporal presence of
Christ in the sacrament, the selfsame body that was
crucified, was such downright falsehood, it was in-
capable of any palliation, and was the compendious
way to discover those of the contrary opinion. This
neck-question, as I may term it, the most dull and
duncical commissioner was able to ask ; and, thanks
be to God, the silliest protestant soul brought before
them was able to answer, first by denying it, then
by dying in the defence of his denial.

o 2

196 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1555. 27. Remarkable was their cruelty in pretorturing

^^"^' of many, whom afterwards they put to death ; herein

Cruelty of ^{^ i^ their proceedings to Pilate, first scourging,

pretortur- then crucifying Christ. By what law did Edmund

^t^^' Tyrrell first bum the hand of Rose Allen, and her

body afterwards? Even by the same that Bonner

first burnt the hand of Thomas Tomkins, and then

commanded him to be dispatched out of the way;

by the same law that Cuthbert Simpson was first

cruelly racked, and then burnt : even by the law of

their own might and malice, not having otherwise

any rag of legality to cover the shame of their

cruelty. Nature was merciful in appointing that all

men should once die^ ; whereas, had these tyrants

had the ordering thereof, they would have made

divers to have died sundry times: yea, such was

their cruelty, that after once they had eat up ^ God's

servants, if possible, they would have chewed the

cud upon them the second time.

Some com. 28. Somo commissioucrs privately were courteous

missioners * •'

of and by to the martyrs, who notwithstanding publicly con-

themselves <j *■ *i

courteous, currcd to their condemnation. It is Luther's ob-
servation, that in scripture son of man is always
taken in a good sense, but sons of men generally in
the worst acception. Sure I am, take some of these
men sole and single by themselves, they were well-
natured, pitiful, and compassionate ; but when in
conjunction with others, they became (at least by
consenting) as cruel as the rest. What favour did
Dr. Fuller, chancellor of Ely, offer William Woolsey
and Robert Piggot, when alone ! yet, when in com-

^ Heb. ix. 27. * Psalm xiv. 4.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 197

plication with other commissioners, pronounced the a. d. 1555.
sentence of condemnation upon them ^. *^'

9Q. Pass we now from the judicial to the minis- Ministerial
terial persecutors: sheriflfe, under-sheriffs, bailiffs, ^**'™**"^"'
promoters, summoners, &c. The locusts had tails
like unto scorpions^ and there were stings in their
tails ^. So here in officers, the baser, the bloodier;
the meaner, the more malicious; though, by par-
ticular exception, some happened to be more mer-
ciful than others. Of the twin-sheriflfe in London,
(Mr, Woodroffe and Mr. Chester,) the former, like
Esau, had his hands rough and hairy, being rugged
and surly to God's servants ; whilst Mr. Chester,
Jacob-like, had smooth hands, kind and courteous
to such as suffered. Thus Amrie, as I take it, the
sheriff of Chester, was most cruel to Mr. (Jeorge
Marsh ; whilst the sheriff of Staffordshire (pity it is
Mr. Fox hath not recorded his name) was afterward
persecuted for shewing so much favour to Mrs.
Joyce Lewes at her execution, when he said Amen
to her prayer, desiring God to deliver this realm
from papistry".

80. One prison may, comparatively, be a paradise Difference
in respect of another, and generally it is the gaoler *° pnsons.
puts the difference betwixt them. How passionately
did poor Jeremy plead, Cause me not to return to the

k [And this is true of the which at least shews that natu-

proceeding and temper of the rally he \vas not disposed to

clergy generally. When men cruelty. The state was not

were brought before them in more friendly to the church

their official capacity, they)could in Romish than in protestant

not shew mercy if they would, times.]

Even Bonner himself was con- ^ Rev. ix. 10.

stantly urged to greater mea- ™ Mr. Fox, vol. III. p. 839.

sures of severity by the council.

198 The Church History book viii

A.D. i55s.Aow5^ of Jonatlum the scribe^ lest I die there'll and

'- therefore he took it for a special favour to be sent

to the court of the prison. How nasty a place was
the dungeon of M alchiah, into which Jeremiah was
afterward cast^ till Ebed-melech the blackamore
drew him out thence. Now, amongst the finiitful
generation of gaols in London, there were, though
never a better, some less bad amongst them. I take
the Marshalsea to be, in those times, the best for
usage of prisoners ; but O the misery of God's poor
saints in Newgate, under Alexander the gaoler!
more cruel than his namesake the coppersmith was
to St. Paul ; in Lollard's Tower, the Clink, and Bon-
ner's coal-house, a place which minded them of the
manner of their death, first kept amongst coals before
they were burnt to ashes.
Dr.Gefferey 81. It is more than suspicious that many of these
proceedings, silly souls Were hurried to the stake even against
those laws which then stood in force in the realm,
before the writ de hceretico comburendo was issued
out against them p ; for what the Jews said to Pilate,
It is not lawful for tis to put any man to death %
the ecclesiastical censures may say to the secular
power in England : " We have no power of life or
" limb, but the inflicting punishments on both must
" be devolved to the civil magistrate." Yet Dr.
Gefferey, chancellor of Salisbury, stood not on such
legal niceties, but hastened them to the stake ', more

^ Jer. xxxvii. 20. before ; and especially the sta-

o Jer. XXX viii. 6. tute of the Six Articles, passed

P [This is certainly a great in the reign of Henry VIII.]

mistake ; for when the laws of q John xviii. 3 1 .

Edward VI. were repealed, the ' Pox, vol. III. p. 896.

canon here came into force as

^^' CENT. XVI. of B.i*itain, 199

minding the end to which, than the justice of the a. d. 1555.

proceedings whereby, he sent them thither.

32. All who met at last in final constancy mani- au the
feeted not equal intennediate cheerfulness. Some Sike^eer-

All

were more stout, bold, and resolute; others more
jGsdnt, fearful, and timorous. Of the latter was arch-
bishop Cranmer, who first subscribed a recantation,
but afterwards recanted his subscription, and va-
liantly burnt at the stake. Thus he that stumbleth,
and doth not fall down, gaineth ground thereby, as
this good man's sUp mended his pace to his martyr-
dom. It is also observable that married people, the
parents of many children, suffered death with most
alacrity. Mr. Rogers and Dr. Taylor may be the
instances thereof. The former of these, if consulting
with flesh and blood, had eleven strong reasons to
favour himself; I mean a wife and ten children; all
which abated not his resolution.

38. Besides these who were put to death, some of those
scores (not to say hundreds) died, or rather were^prig^jn.
killed with stench, starving, and strait usage in
prison. I am not satisfied in what distance properly
to place these persons ; some perchance will account
it too high to rank them amongst martyrs, and
surely I conceive it too low to esteem them but
bare confessors. The best is, the heraldry of Heaven
knows how to marshal them in the place of dignity
due unto them, where, long since, they have received
the reward of their patience.

34. Miraculous was God's providence in protect- Queen

Mary's

ing many which were condemned to the stake. It death life to
is part of the praise of his power, to hear the groan-^"^^^'
ing of the prisoner ^ to loose those that are a/ppointed

o 4

200 The Church Huttory book viii.

A.D. 1555./0 death K In David's fxpression, <Aer^ was but^n
^ ^^' step between them and death * ; which step also had
been stepped, had not one instantly stepped aside ; I
mean the seasonable death of queen Mary. She,
melancholic in mind, unhealthful in body, little
feared of her foreign foes, less beloved by her native
subjects, not over-dear to her own husband, unsuc-
cessful in her treaties for peace, and unfortunate in
her undertakings for war, having deceived the gentry
of Norfolk and Suffolk by her false promise was
deceived herself by a false conception : and having
consumed so many of God's saints by fire, died her-
self by water, an hydropical tympany.

Protestants^ 35. Observablo was the mercy of the protestants

mercy for <• 1 ■•1

papists' to these persecutors, after the power wos delivered
into their hands, under the reign of queen Elizabeth;
by whom none of the aforesaid tyrants were prose-
cuted or molested for any act of cruelty done by them
in the days of queen Mary ; nor suffered they in the
least degree on their former account, except they
ran on a new score of contempt against the queen
and state, as such bishops who, in the first of her
reign, refused the oath of supremacy. Otherwise,
all such as conformed to her government were not
only permitted to enjoy their old, but admitted to
new, preferment : witness Mr. Binsley, chancellor of
Peterborough, who condemned John Kurde, of
Northampton, yet in queen Elizabeth's days had
the archdeaconry of Peterborough conferred upon
him. Thus, while papists heap fagots on protestants,
protestants, according to Solomon's counsel, heap

8 Psalm cii. 20. t i gam. xx. 3.

CENT. XVI. (if Britain. 201

coals on them^, (courtesies and civilities,) to melt a. d. 1555.
them, if possible, into remorse. . .^^ "^'

36. But, though the protestants shewed much God's judg-
mercy to the papists, their persecutors, yet the God waniy be
of the protestants manifested much justice in their ^^' ^*^
VFoful and wretched deaths. I confess God's best
servants sometimes have had sad and sudden ends :
witness good Eli himself, who fell down and brake
his neck\ I confess likewise that some wicked
men, who have lived like lions, have died (to use
the common country phrase) like lambs ; or, to use
the expression of the psalmist, they have no bands in
their deathly so fairly and quietly do they expire.
It is not good, therefore, to be over-tampering in
this particular, (our Saviour himself retrenching the
censoriousness of the Jews for falling so heavy on
the memories of those on whom the tower of Siloe
fell %) and infallibly to infer from their fatal death
their final damnation. However, when a remark-
able death suddenly follows a notorious wicked life,
even such passengers as are posting in the speed of
their private afiairs are bound to make a stand, and
solemnly to observe the justice of God's proceedings
therein ; the rather because Bellarmine, our adver-
sary, affirmeth that infelix ewittts eo^nim qui ecclesiam
opptignant\ the unhappy end of the adversaries
thereof is one of the marks of the true church.
These cautions premised, take a few of many signal
fatalities of these wicked persecutors.

87. Morgan, bishop of St. David's, who sentenced God's visi-
Farrar, his predecessor, not long after was stricken many of the

perseciitoi-s.
" Prov. XXV. 22. a De Notis Ecclesise, lib. iv.

* iSam.iv. 18. c.17. [Bellarm. Op. II. p.273,

7 Psalm Ixxiii. 4. ed. Ingolst. 1601.]

z Luke xiii. 5.

20S The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1555. in so strange a sort, that his meat would rise up,

'— sometimes out of his mouth, sometimes out of his

nose, (most horrible to behold, but more terrible to
endure,) and so continued till his death. Judge
Morgan, who condemned the lady Jane, soon after
ran mad, and so died, having always in his mouth,
" Lady Jane, lady Jane ! " Dunning, the bloody
chancellor of Norwich, died suddenly, taken, as
some say, sitting in his chair. Berry, the remorse-
less commissary in Norfolk, fell down suddenly to
the ground with a heavy groan, and never stirred
after. Thornton, the suf&agan of Dover, looking
upon his men plajdng at bowls, was upon a sudden
struck with a palsy, had thence to his death-bed,
and, being advised by some to remember Grod,
" Yea, so I do," saith he, " and my lord cardinal too."
Dr. Geffery, the bloody chancellor of Salisbury, died
suddenly on a Saturday, the day before he had
appointed moe than ninety persons to be examined
by inquisition. Mr. Woodroffe, that cruel sheriff of
London, being but a week out of his office, was so
stricken by the hand of God, that for seven years'
space, till his dying day, he was not able to move
himself in his bed. Burton, the cruel baily of
Crowland, was poisoned to death with the stink of
a crow's dung muting on his face. What shall I
speak of Dale, the promoter, eaten up with lice?
Alexander, the keeper of Newgate, consumed with
offensive rottenness ? Robert Balding, smitten with
lightning at the taking of William Seaman ? Clarke,
who hanged himself in the Tower, with many moe * ?

a [Very little trust can be from Fox ; some are grossly
placed on these statements, false.]
which are entirely borrowed

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 208

So that we may conclude with the prophecy ofA.D. 1555.

Moses, Rejoice^ O ye nations^ with his people^ for ^^

he wiU avenge the blood of his servants, and will
render vengeance to his adversaries, and wiU be mer-
ciful unto his land^ and to his people ^.

38. And now, to take our leaves of those martyrs, what use
what remains but, 1, That we glorify God, in and for o? the'niM-
their patience, who had given such powei* unto men ^ /J™ '"^®^"
2, That we praise God that true doctrine, at this
day, may be professed at an easier rate than in that
age ? In fairs and markets, for the most part, com-
modities are sold dearest in the morning, which
towards evening may be bought at a lower price.
Sure I am they paid most for the protestant religion
at the dawning of the day from popery, (life or
limb was the lowest price thereof,) which since may
be purchased at a cheaper pennyworth. 3, That we
embrace and defend that doctrine, which they sealed
with their lives; and, as occasion shall be ofFered,
to vindicate and assert their memories from such
scandalous tongues and pens as have or shall traduce
them.

89. It is inconsistent with our history here to Parsons
enter the lists with that railing book which Parsons, against the
the Jesuit, hath made against those good martyrs ; ^ing"n-
only be it remembered that his cavil-general is*^®'^-
chiefly at their calling, because they were most
mechanics, weavers, shoemakers, &c. : an exception
lying as well against just Joseph, a carpenter ; hospital
Simon, a tanner ; zealous Aquila and Priscilla, tent-
makers ; attentive Lydia, a purple-seller. And is it
not injurious to infer their piety to be less because
their painfulness was more? If it be farther ob-

^ Deut. xxxii. 43. ^ Matt. ix. 8.

204 The Church History book viit.

A.D. i555.jected that it is improbable that these silly souls

-i !2L should be more illuminate with knowledge than

the great doctors of the Romish church, know that
Christ's birth was revealed to the shepherds in their
calling, watching their flocks hy night \ and concealed
from the priests and Pharisees, the pretended shep-
herds of Israel ; and God might give more light to
these industrious artificers than to their idle Masters
of Arts.
Poverty 40. Bchold jfour calling^ (saith the apostle,) how

^gotoge- that not many wise men after tJie fleshy &c. But God
^^' hath chosen the foolish things of the world to con-
found the wise ^. And always, in time of persecu-
tion, the church is like a copse, which hath in it
more underwood than oaks : for great men consult
with their safety; and whilst the poorer sort, as
having little to lose, boldly embrace religion with
both arms, the rich too often do only behold it at
distance, with a smiling countenance, but dare not
adventure to entertain it, except with very great
secresy. We conclude all with this observation, that
such martyrs as were artificers by their vocation
humbly continued in the station wherein Divine
Providence had placed them, none presuming (as too
many nowadays) to invade the ministerial function,
not adventuring to preach, save only that their real
sermon of patience at their death.
A catalogue 41. go much for the first form of Christians in

of confes-
sors, with those days, which were martyred ; a second sort

of re%e. succeeds, of such who, being confessors for the faith,

fled into foreign parts from persecution. This their

removal is not only defended from cowardice, but

warranted for Christian policy by our Saviour's pre-

d Luke ii. I. ^ i Cor. i. 26, 27.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

205

cept, Btit when they persecute you in this city^ flee^-^* 1555-

into another ^. Had all fled, religion had been at a !— -

loss for champions to defend her for the present;
had none fled, religion might have been at a loss for
champions to maintain her for the future. We will
give in a particular, both of such eminent persons,
and of the places wherein they were entertained ;
partly that such places may receive their deserved
praise for their hospitality to exiles, and partly that
our harbouring the banished Dutch (flying, many
years after, from the cruelty of duke d'Alva) in
London, Norwich, Canterbury, Colchester, and Sand-
wich, may appear not so much the giving of a free
and fair courtesy, as the honest paying of a due
debt, and wiping off* an old score run on trust by
our great-grandfathers.

Some
seated
them-
selves
at

/ i. Embden, in East Friesland, a sta-
ple town of English merchants. I find
neither the names nor number of those
that harboured here ; only it appears
that John Scory, late bishop of Chiches-
ter, was here superintendent of the Eng-
lish congregation in Embden.

ii. Wesel, then in the dominions, as
I take it, of the duke of Cleve, but bor-
dering on the Low Countries, in the pos-
session of the king of Spain. The English
meeting here was rather a chapel than a
church, or rather a tabernacle than a
chapel; because soon set up, and as

\ suddenly taken down again. For they,

^ Matt. X. 23.

d06

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

A. D. 1555.
3 Mary.

Some
seated
them-
selves
at

who formerly had fled so fiir from Mary,
were now loath to live too near to Philip,
and, for fear of so potent a neighbom*,
quickly forsook this place, and disposed
themselves elsewhere, in these four fol-
lowing church colonies :

iii. Arrow (r, a small city in Switzer-
land, on the banks of the river Arrola,
belonging to the republic of Berne. The
most noted men abiding here were

Thomas Lever,
Robert Pownall,
Richard Langhome,
Thomas Turpin,

[Edward] Boys,
[John] Wilford,
[Thomas] Upchaire.

iv. Strasburg, where they found most
courteous entertainment. The most emi-
nent English abiding here, as may be
collected from their solemn joint sub-
scription to a letter ^, were

James ^addon, Michael Reinniger,
Edwin Sandys, Augustine Bradbridge,
Edmund Grindal, Arthur Saule,

Thomas Steward,
Christopher Goodman,
Humphrey Alcocson,
Thomas Lakin,
Thomas Crafton.

John Huntington,
Guido Eaton,
John Geoffrey,
John Pedder,
Thomas Eaton,

V. Zurich. This was no formed con-
gregation of pastors and people, but ra-
ther a flock of shepherds ; and therefore
\ the letters unto them carry this style in

» Troubles of Frankfort, printed anno 1575, p. 185; re-
printed in the Phenix, vol. II. 44.
1* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 23.

ENT. XVI.

of Britain.

207

Some
seated
them-
selves
at

their superscription: "To the Students a. 0.1555.
" at Zurich." But behold their names : J ^L,

Robert Home,
Richard Chambers,
Thomas Lever,
Nicholas Karvile,
John MuUings,
Thomas Spencer,
Thomas Bentham,

William Cole,
John Parkhurst,
Roger Eelke,
Robert Beaumont,
Laurence Humfrey,
Henry Cockraft,
John Price.

vi. Frankfort on the Maine, where
they found the state very favourable
unto them. And this was the most visi-
ble and conspicuous English church be-
yond the seas, consisting of

John Bale \
Edmund Sutton,
John Makebraie,
William Whitting.

ham,
Thomas Cole,
William Williams,
George Chidley,
William Hammon,
Thomas Steward,
Thomas Wood,
John Stanton,
William Walton,
Jasper Swyft,
John Gteoflfrey,

John Gray,
Michael Gill,
John Samford,
John Wood,
Thomas Sorby,
Anthony Cariar,
Hugh Alford,
George Whetnall,
Thomas Whetnall,
Edward Sutton,
John Fox,
Laurence Kent,
William Keith,
John Hollingham ^.

» Troubles of Frankfort, p.

^ [Almost all these exiles
ere men of the very lowest
lurch principles and most
Dubtful orthodoxy. On their
3turn to England^ they found-

ed the various sects of dissent
which afterwards troubled the
church, and proved the greatest
disturbers of the order esta-
blished in this kingdom. As
they began abroad with putting
aside the Book of Common

208 The Church History book vin.

A.I). 1555- Here we omit their petty sanctuaries, having (like

-^ ^ David) places where himself and his men were wont

to haunt \ Deesburgh, Worms, &c., where their
straggling numbers amounted not to the constitu-
tion of a church. If these congregations be com-
pared together, Embden will be found the richest
for substance, (there the merchants which bear the
bag ;) Wesel the shortest for continuance ; Arrow
the slenderest for number ; Strasburgh of the most
quiet temper ; Zurich had the greatest scholars ; and
Frankfort had the largest privileges. Nor let any
wonder if some in these catalogues, assigned to one
colony, were afterwards found in another ; seeing the
apostle's expression, We have here no biding city^,
hath in it a single truth in time of peace, and at
least a double one in time of persecution : men flit-
ting from place to place as they were advised by
their own security. Know also, that besides these
(the first founders of these several congregations)
many additional persons, coming afterwards out of
England, joined themselves thereunto.
A brief in- 4,3 Come WO uow to sct dowu the sad troubles

trodiiction

to the troix- of Frankfort, rending these banished exiles asunder
Frankfort, iuto SGvcral factious. This I dare say; if the reader
takes no more delight in perusing than I in penning
so doleful a subject, he will shew little mirth in his
face, and feel less joy in his heart. However, we
will be somewhat large, and wholly impartial in
relating this sorrowful accident ; the rather, because
the penknives of that age are grown into swords in

Prayer, so, when they returned others the use of it in quiet.]
to England, they would neither ' 1 Sam. xxx. 3 1 .
use it themselves nor permit ni Heb. xiii. 14.

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 209

ours, and their writings laid the foundations of the a. d. 1555.
fightings nowadays. '—

43. The English exiles came first to Frankfort a church at
June the 24th, and on the 14th of July following, fi^t grant-
by the special favour and mediation of Mr. John^ *"j*^®
Glauberg, one of the chief senators of that state,
had a church granted unto them; yet so as they
were to hold the same in coparceny with the French
protestants, they one day, and the English another ;
and, on Sunday, alternately to choose their hours, as
they could best agree amongst themselves. The
church was also granted thena with this proviso,
** That they should not dissent from the French in
" doctrine or ceremony, lest thereby they should
" minister occasion of offence '*." On the 29th of
the same month, our English, with great joy, entered
their new church, and had two sermons preached
therein, to their singular comfort ; about which time
they constituted their church, choosing a minister
and deacons for a time, and, out of conformity to
the French, abrogated many things formerly used
by them in the Church of England ; as namely,

i. They concluded that the answering aloud after
the minister should not be used.

ii. The litany, surplice, and other ceremonies in
service and sacraments, they omitted, both as super-
fluous and superstitious.

iii. In place of the English confession, they used
another, adjudged by them of more effect, and framed
according to the state and time °.

iv. The same ended, the people sung a psalm in
metre, in a plain tune.

n Troubles of Frankfort, p. 6. [= 46.'
o Troubles of Frankfort, p. 7. [=47/

FULLEBi VOL. IV. P

810 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1555. V. That done, the minister prayed for assistance of
^ ^^' God's Spirit, and so proceeded to the sermon.

vi. After sermon, a general prayer for all states,
and particularly for England, was devised, which was
ended with the Lord's prayer.

vii. Then followed a rehearsal of the articles of
belief; which ended, the people sung another psalm,
as before.

viii. Lastly, the minister pronounced the blessing,
" The peace of God," &c., or the like ; and so the
people departed.

What is meant by framing their confession accord-
ing to the state and time I understand not, (must
our confessions, as our clothes, follow the fashions of
the state and place we live in?) except it be this,
that it was made more particularly, not only for
sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their present
banishment justly inflicted on them for their offences.
The prayer devised after sermon, according to the
genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary
prayer then conceived by the minister, but a set
form formerly P agreed upon by the congregation.
Thus have we a true account of their service ; con-
ceive it only of such things wherein they diflfered
from the English liturgy, not of such particulars
wherein they concurred therewith : the cause, as I
conceive, why no mention of reading of psalms and
chapters in their congregation. These certainly were
not omitted, and probably were inserted betwixt the
confession and singing the first psalm.
Other Eng- 44. Thus settled in their church, their next care
gatiwas f]^ was to wrftc letters (dated August the 1st) to all
Fi^tofort. ^^^ English congregations at Strasburg, Zurich,

[P So in the original ; perhaps for * formally.*]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 211

Wesel, Embden, &c., to invite them with all con- ^-^ '555-

' ' ' 3 Mary.

venient speed to come and join v«^ith them at Frank-

fort. This is the communion of saints, v^ho never
account themselves peaceably possessed of any hap-
piness until, if it be in their povrer, they have also
made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof. How-
ever, this their invitation found not any great enter-
tainment amongst the other English church colonies,
all delajdng and some denying to come; but espe-
cially those of Zurich were most refractory, and
shewed least inclination to repair to Frankfort.

45. This occasioned several reiterated letters from Th?e of

Zuncli

Frankfort, pressing and requiring those of Zurich quickened
" deeply to weigh this matter of God's calling, and Znhy^^'
" the necessity of uniting themselves in one congre-
" gation." Let none say that Frankfort might as
well come to Zurich as Zurich to Frankfort ; because
the English-Zurichians, though not in number, in
learning and quality equalled, if not exceeded, those
of Frankfort ; for Frankfort was nearer to England,
and more convenient for receiving intelligence thence,
and returning it thither. Besides, all Christendom
met at Frankfort twice a year, the vernal and au-
tumnal mart ; and grant there was more learning at
Zurich, there were moe books at Frankfort, with
conveniences to advance their studies. But chiefly
at Frankfort the congregation enjoyed most ample
privileges ; and it was conceived it would much
conduce to the credit and comfort of the English
church, if the dispersed handfuls of their exiles were
bound up in one sheaf, imited into one congregation,
" where they might serve God in purity of faith and
" integrity of life, having both doctrine and discipline
" free from any mixture of superstition."

r 2

212 The Church Hutary ofBriiain. book vm.

A. D. 1555- 46. Notwithstanding this their importunity, those

of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankfort,

to"comnm! than by dilatory letters excusing themselves from
^^^''^ coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity
that all the English should repair to one place, con-
ceiving it rather safer to adventure themselves in
several bottoms, and live in distinct colonies ; others
were displeased with the imperative style of the
letter from Frankfort, requiring them to come
thither, exceeding the bounds of counsel for conve-
nience, into command for conscience ; yea, charging
recusancy herein as a sin on the soul of the refusers.
They pleaded they were already peaceably seated,
and courteously used at Zurich ; and to go away
before they had the least injury offered them, was to
offer an injury to those who so long and lovingly had
entertained them. Some insisted on the material
point, how they should be maintained at Frankfort,
there being more required to their living there than
their bare coming thither. But the main was, those
of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede fix)m the
liturgy used in England under the reign of king
Edward the Sixth ; and except these of Frankfort
would give them assurance that, coming thither,
they should have the full and free use thereof, they
utterly refused any communion with their congre-
gation ^.

*i [The letters written by conveniences they must suffer
the congregation at Zurich are in so doing, repair to Frank-
marked with great good sense fort, on condition that they
and sobriety. On receiving might be allowed to use the
the invitation from Frankfort, service of the English Church,
they professed in their reply, as established in the last years
dated Oct. 23, 1554, that they of Edward VI.]
would, notwithstanding the in-

SECT. III.

THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL

SIR HENRY WROTH,

KNIGHT."

8ir^

It is my desire fitly to suit my Dedications to my respective
patrons f that what is wanting in the worth of the present
may he partly supplied in the propemess thereof, which
, m/xde me select this parcel of my History for your patron-
age. I find sir Thmtms Wroth, your great grandfather^
of the ledchamber^ and a favourite to king Edward the
Sixthy whoy as I am informed^ at his death passed out of
the arms of him^ his faithful servant , into the emhro/ces of
Christy his dearest Saviour. Soon after sir Thomas fomid
a great chamge in the English courts hut no alteration (as
too ma/ay did to their shame) in his own conscience^ in pre-
servation whereof he was fain tofiy heyond the sea^s. To he

a [Arms. Argent, on a bend
sable^ three lions' heads erased,
of the field, crowned or. (Visit.
of 1634, p. 219.) He was the
son of sir Robert Wroth, of
Durants^in Middlesex, (p. 228,)
and Mary, daughter of Robert
earl of Leicester, who com-
posed a romance called Urania.
Sir Henry Wroth, who died in
1667, was one of those gentle-
men who signed the Royalist
Declaration in 1660, (Rennet's

Chron. p. 120,) and, after the
Restoration, was to have been
created one of the knights of
the royal oak. His name is
also mentioned in the title-page
to Fuller's Pisgah Sight.

Thomas Wroth, a relation of
this sir Henry, was one of the
republican commissioners for
ejecting scandalous ministers,
as they were called. See Wood's
Athen. II. 257.]

P 3

ili Tht Church History book viii.

a fugit'iDa ie a tin and ehame, bat an honour to be a volwi-

tary eanlefor a good cause. Hence it it that I have teen, in

your ancient home at Durance, the crest of your anns'*,

icith ths extraordinary addition of »ahle vn/ngs, mmewhA

alluding to those of bats, to denote your ancestor''g dart and

secret flight for his safety. How>ever, God brought him

home again on the silver wings of the dove, ich^i peaceably

restoring him, in the days of queen Elizc^eth, to his large

possessions. In a urord, I may tcisk you and yours less

mediate trouble than he had in the course of his Hfii, ivi

cannot desire you more float happiness in the close thereof.

T. F.

57n BOUT this time Mr. John Knox came

from Geneva, and was chosen by the

congregation of Frankfort for their

constant minister. Let none account

it incongruous, that among so many

able and eminent English divines, a Scotchman

should be made pastor of the English church ; seeing

Mr. Knox his reputed merit did naturalize bim,

though a foreigner, for any protestant congregation.

At which time also Mr. [Richard] Chambers* and Mr.

Edmund Grindal came thither as agents, with a letter

from the congregation of Strasburg. This Strasburg,

as in the position thereof it is almost seated in the

just midway betwixt Zurich and Frankfort, so the

English there residing embraced a moderate and

middle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the

two foresaid congregations. These made a motion,

that they might have the " substance and effect of

" the Common Prayer Book, though such ceremo-

" nies and things which the country could not bear

^ Viz. a Uoh'b head ernsed. this
" [Nov. 4, 1 554. Concerning Mer

r. Chambers, sueStrypti's
III 141. 146.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 216

" might well be omitted ^." Knox and Whittingham a.d. 1555.
asked them what they meant by the " substance of -i — !Zl-
" the book ;" and whilst the other wanted commis-
sion to dispute the point, the motion for the present
came to no perfection.

2. However, it gave occasion that Mr. Knox and The Litur.
others in Frankfort drew up in Latin a platform or land ten-
description of the Liturgy, as used in England under Mr. Caivin,
king Edward, and tendered the same to the judg-^^^^
ment of Mr. John Calvin in Greneva, to pass his*^®''®*^-
sentence thereon. This is that Mr. Calvin whose
" care of all the churches" is so highly commended
by some ; and as much censured is he by others, as
" boasting himself in another man's line," and med-
dling with foreign matters which did not belong
unto him. Take Mr. Calvin's judgment herein from
his own letter, bearing date the 20th of January
following : " In the Liturgy of England I see there
** are many tolerable foolish things ; by these words
** I mean, that there is not that purity which were
** to be desired. These vices, though they could not
** at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was
" no manifest impiety, they were for a season to be
" tolerated. Therefore it was lawful to begin of
" such rudiments or abcedaries, but so that it be-
hoved the learned, grave, and godly ministers of
Christ to enterprise further, and to set forth some-
thing more filed from rust, and purer." This
struck such a stroke, especially in the congregation
of Frankfort, that some therein, who formerly partly
approved, did afterward wholly dislike, and moe,
who formerly disliked, did now detest, the English
Liturgy.

d Troubles of Frankfort, p. 24. [= 56, 61.]

P 4

216 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1555. 3. In this case stood matters in Frankfort, when

3 Mar), p^ Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of

^nk Si^rs England, arrived there. This doctor was a man of

Frankfort ^^ ^^^ Spirit, deep learning, unblamable life, and of

great credit amongst his countrymen ; for he had

been tutor unto Edward the Sixth. And well may

the nurse herself be silent, whilst the well batteling

of the babe pleads aloud for her care and diligence ;

as here the piety and pregnancy of his prince-pupil

added much to Dr. Cox his deserved reputation.

He, with others, coming into the congregation March

13th, discomposed the model of their service ; first,

answering aloud after the minister; and, on the

Sunday following, one of his company, without the

consent and knowledge of the congregation, got up

into the pulpit, and there read all the litany ^

Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon,

preaching in his course out of Genesis, of Noah's

nakedness in his tent, took occasion sharply to tax

the authors of this disorder, avowing many things in

the English book to be " superstitious, impure, and

^' imperfect," and that he would never consent they

should be received into the congregation.

The senate 4 Here I omit many animosities and intermediate

fort inter- bickerfngs betwixt the opposite parties ; especially

Knox. at one conference, wherein Dr. Cox is charged to

come with his inartificial argument ab autkoritate,

ego volo habere ^, — " I will have it so." In fine, Knox

his party, finding themselves out-voted by Dr. Cox

his new recruits out of England, got one voice on

his side which was louder and stronger than all the

e Troubles of Frankfort, p. ^ Troubles of Frankfort, p.

38. [= 72.] 40. [= 74.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 217

rest : I mean the authority of the senate of Frank- a. d. 1555.
fort, interposing on his behalf «^; and Mr. John Glau--? — ^^

berg (principal procurer of their congregation, as is
aforesaid) publicly professed, that if the reformed
order of the congregation of Frankfort were not
therein observed, "as he had opened the church-
" door unto them, so would he shut it again ^."

5. The wringing of the nose (saith wise Agur '*) Mr. Knox
bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of wrath bringethhigh

trea-

forth strife. See here the Coxan party, depressed, ^ep'a^**

from
Frankfort.

embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and^*"^"™

accuse Knox to the state for no less than high trea-
son against the emperor, in an English book of his,
entitled " An Admonition to Christians," first pri-
vately preached in Buckinghamshire, and now pub-
licly printed to the world. Eight places therein were
laid to his charge ; the seven last may well be omit-
ted, the first was so effectual to the purpose, wherein
he called the emperor " no less an enemy to Christ
" than was Nero." Strange that words spoken some
years since, in another land and language, against
the emperor, to whom Knox then owed no natural
allegiance, (though since a casual and accidental one,
by his removal into an imperial city,) should, in this
unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him by
exiles of his own religion, even to no less than the
endangering of his life. But what said Rachel of
Leah? With great wrestlings have I tvrestled with

« [Dr. Cox is much com- not surprising, as that writer

mended by bishop Grindal for was himself one of these dis-

his prudence in quieting these sentients. See Strype's Grind,

dissensions^ although the author p . 12.]

of the Troubles of Frankfort ^ Troubles of Frankfort, p.

has most unjustly misrepre- 43. [= 76.]

sented Cox's conduct ; which is i Pro v. xxx. ^^.

218 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1555 my sister^ and I have precailed^ : with great, rather
^ ' "'^' than good, wrestlings. Such, too often, is the bad-
ness of good people, that in the heat of passion they
account any play to be fair play which tends to the
overturning of those with whom they contend.
Hereupon the state of Frankfort (as an imperial
town, highly concerned to be tender of the emperor's
honour) willed Knox to depart the city; who, on
the 25th of March, to the great grief of his Mends
and followers, left the congregation.

Officers 6. After the departure, or rather the driving away,

chosen in « •«-■ t^ tx 1 • h it

the new of Mr. Kuox, Dr. Cox and his adherents clearly

gr^ation. Carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers

in their congregation ; but first for a fit title for him

that was to take charge of their souls, then for a

proper person for that title.

i. Bishop, though first in nomination, was declined
as improper ^ because here he had no inspection over
any diocese, but only a cure of a congregation ; on
which very account Mr. Scory, (though formerly
bishop of Chichester,) when preacher to the congre-
gation of Embden, took upon him the title of super-
intendent.

ii. Superintendent was here also waived, as the
same in effect, only a bad Latin word, instead of a
good Greek.

iii. Minister also was misliked for the principal
preacher, (though admitted to signify his assistants,)
perchance as a term of too much compliance with
the opposite party.

iv. Pastor at last was pitched upon, as freest from

^ Gen. XXX. 8. 1 Troubles of Frankfort, p. 5i.L= 79-]

CENT. XVI. of Briknn. 219

exception, most expressive of the office, and least a. d. 1556.
obnoxious to offence. — ^- — '—

Then was Mr. Whitehead chosen their pastor n^,
yet so as two ministers, four elders, and four deacons
were joined to assist him. And because this was
then as well an university as a congregation of the
English, Mr. Home was chosen reader of the He-
brew, Mr. Mullings of the Greek, and Mr. Traheme
was made lecturer of divinity. In this new-modelled
congregation I find no office by name assigned unto
Dr. Cox, (more honour for him to make all than to
be any officer,) who was virtually influent upon all,
and most active, though not in the doctrinal, in the
prudential part of church-government.

7. As for the oppressed congregation, (so their ^Vhitting-

_ ham heads

opposites style themselves,) it was headed by Wil- the opposite
liam Whittingham, one, though of less authority, ^**^'
yet of as much affection to the cause as Knox him-
self. This party continued their dislike of the
Liturgy, calling it the " great English book ","
offended, it seems, with the largeness thereof; and
they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to
avouch it) how " Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury,
" did present a book of prayer an hundred times
more perfect than the Liturgy used in king Ed-
vFard's days ; yet the same could not take place,
because he was matched with so wicked a clergy
" in convocation vrith other enemies ®." Besides
this their old grudge against the Common Prayer,
they were grieved afresh in this election of new
officers in the English congregation, that their old

«n Troubles of Frankfort, p. » Ibid. p. 40. [= 78.]
52. [= 89.] o Ibid. p. 43. [= 82.]

220 The Church History book viii.

A.D. i55r>.oiBcer8 were neither legally continued nor fully dis-
^' ^^^' charged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor feirly

asked their consent, but no notice at all taken of
them. In a word, never arose there a greater mur-
muring of the Grecians against the Hebrews^ became
their vndows were neglected in the daily ministror
tion P, than here an heart-burning in the Whitting-
hamian against the other party, for the affront offered
to their old officers in this new election.
Arbitration g. Here a moderate motion was made that the

refused ^Y ^n •% <•

the party of difference might be compromised and referred to
arbitrators, which should be equally chosen on both
sides. To this Dr. Cox his party would in nowise
consent; whether because those pretended arbiters
would be no arbiters, but parties, and widen the
wound by dressing of it, or because, being already
possessed of the power, they would not divest them-
selves of the whole to receive but part again from
the courtesy of others. However, this party lost
much reputation by the reftisal ; for, in all contro-
versies, that side recusant to submit itself to a fair
arbitration contracts the just suspicion either that
their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof fro-
ward and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when
two swarms of bees daily fight in the same hive, the
weakest grow so wise as to seek themselves a new
habitation, so here Whittingham and his adherents
resolved to depart, and to seek their several pro-
vidences in another place.
The two 9. But, alas! these two sides had a sad parting
asun^f blow : the oppressed congregation complained, that
instead of their Vale^ they had a volley of ill words

P Acts vi. I.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 221

discharged at them, amongst which none so mortal a. d. 1556.

to theh" reputation as the word schismatic, wherewith —

the Coxians branded them at their departure. Much
fending and proving there was betwixt them, whe-
ther schismatic was properly appliable to such, who,
agreeing in doctrine, dissented only in superfluous
ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was concluded
amongst them as to agreement. And now no pity
shewed at their departure, no sending of sighs or
shedding of tears on either side ; the one being as
glad of the room they left, as the other were desir-
ous of their own removal.

10. If any be curious to know the names of such The names
who separated themselves from this congregation of wenTto**
Frankfort, this ensuing catalogue will acquaint him ^®"«^'*-
therewith ^ :

William Williams, John Hilton,

William Whittingham r, C^hristopher Soothous,

Anthony Gilby, Nicholas Purfote,

Christopher Goodman, John Escot,

Thomas Cole, Thomas Grafton,

John Fox, William Walton,

Thomas Wood, Laurence Kent,

William Kethe, John Hellingham,

John Kelke, Anthony Carier.

Of these, Mr. Fox, with a few moe, went to Basil ;
the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they
were all most courteously entertained. And now
who can expect less but that those still remaining

^ Taken out of their sub- authors of those inflammatory

scription to a letter, in the religio . political pamphlets

Troubles of Frankfort, p. 47. which were so frequent in

[= 85.] the reign of queen Elizabeth:

' [Whittingham, Gilby, and eventually they were seques-

Goodman were fierce and vio- tered for, nonconformity.]
lent schismatics, and the chief

9lStSt The Church Hutory book viii.

A.D. 1 556. at Frankfort, as the same in opinion, should be the
JL-!!L- same in affection, and live in brotherly love toge-
ther? But, alas! man, while he is man, will be
man ; and Sathan, the sower of tares, did set a sad
dissension betwixt them, which we come now to
relate.
The sad H. There was an eminent member of the con-
bctwixt Mr. gregation in Frankfort, Mr. Ashley by name, one of
Mn^S^m.^ a worshipful degree % and, as it seems, of a spirit
(not to say stomach) no whit beneath his extraction.
Now there happened some high words at supper
betwixt him and Mr. Horn, then pastor of the con-
gregation ; yet so that all the difference, by the sea-
sonable mediation of the guests, was then seemingly
composed ; but two days after Mr. Ashley was con-
vented before the elders, where it was laid to his
charge that at the time and place aforesaid he had
spoken words slanderous to them and their ministry.
Ashley appealed from them (as an adversary part
against him, and therefore no competent judges)
unto the whole congTegation, as men of estimation
with both parties, to hear and determine the differ-
ence betwixt them.
Horn and 12. Hercat Mr. Horn and the elders were highly
in discon-' offendcd, pleading that they had received authority
J^"|; JJ^ from the whole church to hear and decide such
cases, and were resolved not to depart with the
power so legally delegated unto them. And whereas
many meetings were made of Mr. Ashley's friends
to debate his business, Mr. Horn and the elders
condemned them as tending to schism; accounting
their own presence so of the quorum to any lawful

* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 55. [= 91.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, ^9&

assembly, that without it all conventions were con-A.D. 1556.
venticles. Yea, Mr. Horn and the elders, perceiving ^ ' ^^^'

that Mr. Ashley's friends, being most numerous in
the congregation, vrould bring his cause to be deter-
mined by the diffusive church, fiilly and freely for-
sook their ministry and service therein; preferring
rather willingly to un-pastor and dis-elder themselves,
than to retain the place without the power, title
without the authority due thereunto.

13. This deserting of their duty was by others whereat
interpreted an high contempt of the congregation ; i^hi^Sy^**
especially when, two days after, a full church met o^ended.
with an empty pulpit, wherein none to teach the
people. The Ashleyans, being far the major part,

took exception that Horn and the elders should, so
slightly and suddenly, quit what before they had so
seriously and solemnly accepted ; as if their pastoral
charges were like their clothes or upper garments,
to be put off at pleasure, to cool themselves in every
heat of passion. Besides, these men being married
in a manner to their ministerial functions, could not
legally divorce themselves without mutual consent,
and the church's approbation thereof.

14. Soon after, the state of the controversy was inquiry
altered, Mr. Ashley's business being laid aside, andc^agamst
another of an higher concernment taken up in thOandddtt-s,
room thereof; namely, how the congregation should *^ *^*^'**®^*
proceed against the pastors and elders, in case they

were accused for misdemeanour; for hitherto no
provisions were made, in the constitutions of this
church, to regulate this case, if chancing to occur :
whether because the compilers of those constitutions
charitably presumed on the integrity of all such
officers, or omitted the making any law against them

224 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1556. in favour to themselves, (as most probable to obtain
^ **'^* such places ;) or because no canons can at once be

completed, but a reserve must be left for the addi-
tions of others to perfect the same. But now eight
were appointed to regulate the manner of the pro-
ceeding of the congregation against pastor and elders
if peccant, (who were without, or rather above, cen-
sure, according to the old discipline,) which still
inflamed the anger of Mr. Horn an^ his party.
Mr. Cham- 15. A party much advantaged by Mr. Chambers
of^j^tlce. siding therewith, because he was ke^er of the cha-
rity conferred on, and contributions collected for,
the congregation. Now, where goeth the purse,
there goeth the poor : most in want were of Horn's
side, in hope of the larger relief. This made others
complain of Chambers, as an unjust steward of the
church's treasure, too free to such as he affected,
and bountiful only of taunts and ill terms to those
of a different judgment ; making neither men's need
or deserts, but only his own fancy, the direction of
his distributions.
The scandal I6. Now began their brawls to grow so loud, that
sension. ^* their uext neighbours overheard them : I mean the
state of Frankfort took notice thereof, to the shame
of all, and grief of all good in the English nation ;
for how scandalous was it that exiles of the same
country, for the same cause, could not agree toge-
ther. But man in misery, as well as man in honour,
hath no understanding. Yea, they began to fear lest
many Dutchmen, hitherto their bountiful benefac-
tors, should for the future withdraw their benevo-
lences, conceiving these exiles wanted no money,
who had such store of animosities, and probably
poverty would make them more peaceable amongst

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 225

themselves. Their discords were the worse, becauseA.D.1556.

the vernal mart at Frankfort did approach ; and it '—

would be welcome ware, and an useful commodity
for popish merchants meeting there, to carry over
into England, and all the world over, the news of
their distractions.

17. Hereupon the magistrate of Frankfort inter- By the ma-
posed to arbitrate their differences, but whether of ^^^ng^"
his own accord, or by the secret solicitation of others, male^short
is uncertain. Sure it is both parties solemnly dis-*"^*^^**
avowed any secret practice to procure the same.

The magistrate interposed his counsels rather than
commands, appearing very upright and unbiassed to
either party ; for though at the first he seemed to
favour Horn and his complices, (out of that general
sympathy which a magistrate beareth to all public
oflScers,) yet afterwards, quitting their cause, he bent
all his endeavours to make a reconciliation. By his
edict it was ordered that the former pastors were
put out of their functions, and made private men ;
that new ones, or the same again, if the church so
pleased, were to be chosen in their rooms ; that the
treasure of the congregation should be kept jointly
and distributed by the deacons, who at an appointed
time should account for the same to the minister
and elders ; and the day after, leave was given them
to devise a new discipline with convenient speed
amongst themselves, and tender the same, when
dravm up, to the magistrate for his ratification. In
fine, all seemingly were made friends, in token
whereof they (both parties) joined hands together.

18. Soon after, fifteen were appointed to draw up New dis-
a form of new discipline; but this new discipline mak^ new
occasioned new grudges, or rather revived the oldt/ons!^

FULLER, VOL. IV. Q

226 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1557. ones. Though short the book, it was long before
-^ — ^^ fiilly finished, because such as were concerned therein

drew the sheets thereof several ways. Some would
have the old discipline stand still in fiill force, others
would have it only altered, others totally abolished.
When the discipline was new drawn up, some re-
quired months, and the most moderate more days of
deliberation before they would subscribe it. In con-
clusion, whereas the whole congregation of Frank-
fort consisted then but of sixty-two, (understand
them masters of families, besides women, children,
and servants,) forty-two subscribed this new dis-
cipline, and the rest refused.
Mr. Horn 19. Presently they proceeded to the election of
party pro- ucw pastors and ministers, when Mr. Horn, issuing
u»t against j^^^ ^j^^ church with his party, cast a bundle of paper

bills on the table standing in the middle of the
church ; a table surely set there, not for the inflaming
of discords, but the celebration of that sacrament
which should cement them all in a comfortable
communion. Those bills contained their refusals to
concur in this election, because they could not in
their consciences allow the discipline whereby it was
made. However, the rest went on with their choice,
and no one, (saving Mr. Wilford,) being formerly of
the ministry, was now again elected: whereof this
reason was rendered, because they, with Mr. Horn,
had willingly relinquished their functions; and it
was but just to take that from them which they
cast away from themselves. Besides, it is said that
some of them gave it out that if they should be re-
elected, they would not accept thereof.
The mat- 20. Hitherto we have had no mention, for a long

ters put to. f* r^ r^ •■• 111

moderators, time, oi Dt. KjOx ; and it may seem much that the

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 9,911

activity of his spirit should be so long concealed, a. D. 1557.

which makes some presume him absent all the while. —

But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the
former controversy, in defence of the Liturgy set
forth in king Edward's reign, as concerning his sove-
reign's honour and general interest of the English
church concerned therein; whereas he hitherto stood
neuter in this difference of Mr. Horn's and his com-
plices^ as beholding it of narrower extent and less
consequence betwixt particular persons. Whereupon
the magistrate of Frankfort (not at leisure himself,
because of the business of the mart, to examine the
matter) appointed him, with Dr. Sandys and Richard
Berty, esq., as men of estimation with both parties,
to hear and determine the difference betwixt them.

21. By the powerful mediation of which umpires a kind of

agreement

they were persuaded into some tolerable agreement, made.
though it was no better than a palliate cure. But I
am weary of their dissensions, and therefore proceed
to some more acceptable subject ; only let me add,
that this whole story of their discords, with the
causes and circumstances thereof, is taken out of the
Troubles of Frankfort, a book composed in favour
of the opposers of the English discipline ; and when
the writer is all for the plaintiff, the discreet reader
will not only be an unpartial judge, but also some-
what of an advocate for the defendant.

22. It is no less pleasant to consider than admir- The won-
able to conceive how these exiles subsisted so long, vfdence^in
and so far from their native country, in so comfort- ***® »»««<«-

'f ' nance ox

able a condition ; especially seeing Gardiner, bishop *^«»e p*^^
of Winchester, solemnly vowed so to stop the send-
ing of all supplies unto them, " that for very hunger
" they should eat their own nails, and then feed on

Q 2

228 The Church History book viii.

A. D. >557- « their fingers' ends." But threatened folk live long;

'- — and before these banished men were brought to that

short bill of fare, the bishop was first all eaten up
of worms himself. To reduce their subsistence within
compass of belief, let the following particulars be
put together *.

Yet some- 23. Most of thoso clerffv-exiles were men well

thing they ^^

carried over preferred in king Edward's reign. These, as they
' were dissuaded by the due consideration of their
ever-living God from being solicitously over-carking
fbr the future, so were they advised, by their daily
beholding of their consumptionish and ever-dying
king, to be providentially careful for the time to
come. This made them make hay in the sunshine ;
and then got they good feathers, wherewith after-
wards they did fly beyond the seas.
Thebminty 24. Somo porsons of much worship and wealth
nished gen- Were amongst them, who bountifully communicated
fellow- ^ to the necessities of others. Of these the principal,

Sir John Cheke, of whom largely hereafter *.

Sir Richard Morison, of Cashiobury, in Hertford-
shire.

Sir Fmncis Knollys, afterwards privy counsellor to
queen Elizabeth.

Sir Anthony Cook, (father-in-law to Cecil, after
lord Burghley,) and famous for his learned daughters.

Sir Peter Carew, renowned for his valour in Ire-
land, where he died, anno 1576.

Sir Thomas Wroth, richly landed at and nigh
Durance, in Middlesex.

» [This is one of Fox*s Nov. 12, 1555. See Godwin

brazen legends. Gardiner died in Kennet, II. 351, note.]

of a dropsy, his health having * Humphrey in his Life of

been some time on the decline, Jewell, p. 88.

sufferers.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 229

Dame Dorothy Stafford, afterwards of the bed- a. d. 1557.
chamber to queen Elizabeth. — — ^^

Dame Elizabeth Berkley.

These, accounting all their fellow-sufferers their
fellows, fDrgot themselves, to remember the afflic-
tions of Joseph ; being advanced so much the higher
in the esteem of all who were wise and virtuous, by
how much they degraded themselves in their helpful
condescension to their inferiors.

25, Many pious persons residing in England, but And of the
chiefly in London, (which commonly counteq^oiseth unto them.
the charity of all the land besides,) were very free
towards their relief. Some of these, conscious to
themselves of cowardly compliance with the super-
stitions of the times, hoped in some, degree to lessen
their offence by their liberality to such exiles as were
more constant and courageous than themselves in
the cause of the truth. And although great the
distance betwixt London and Zurich, yet merchants
have long arms, and by their bills of exchange reach
all the world over. Richard Springham and John
Abel, merchants of London, gave much and sent
more to their support, as being entrusted to make
over the gifts of many good people, utterly unknown
to such as received them. That is the best charity,
which, Nilus-like, hath the several streams thereof
seen, but the fountain concealed. Such silent and
secret bounty, as good at all times, to avoid vain-
glory, is best in bad times, to prevent danger. As
for Thomas Eton, a London merchant, but living in
Germany, he was, saith my author", commmiis hospesy

« Humphrey, ut prius.

a 3

5230 Tlie Church History book vii.

A.D. 1557. the host-general of all English exiles; thanks (and

--that foi-ced on him against his will) being all the

shot his guests paid at their departure.
Foprign 26. The king of Denmark, Henry prince palatine

unto than, of Rhine, Christopher duke of Wurtemburg, Wolf-
gang duke of Bipont, &C.9 with all the states and
free cities wherein the English sojourned, were very
bountiful unto them ; so were the Dutch divines,
especially those of Zurich ; and take them in order
as my foresaid author nameth them, Bullinger, Pel-
lican, Bibliander, Simler, Wolphius, Lavater, Zuin-
glius, whose short stipends would scarce reach to
maintain themselves, and yet their thrift and charity
stretched them so as therewith also to relieve others.
Nor let learned Gesner be forgotten, that great
natural historian, and no less loving of men than
knowing in beasts, fowl, and fishes. As for Peter
Martyr, he had a petty college in his house at
Strasburg, (whereof Mr. Jewell was the vice-master,)
wherein most of the clergy paid (if any) easy rates
for their diet therein.
Improved 27- Somo of the English scholars subsisted partly
oXn indus- ^y their own pains, the making of books, the copies
*'*y ' whereof were very beneficial unto them. Say not
this argued saleable souls, (savouring more of the
stationer than the scholar,) to sell their books ; yea,
that it was a kind of simony in them to make profit
of those their parts which God had freely bestowed
upon them. For as it betrayeth a mercenary mind
in those who, having plenty themselves, will sordidly
contract for their copies, so such authors who are in
want are faulty in being wanting to their own just
relief, if neglecting moderate benefit by their own
endeavours. Thus John Bale much advantaged

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 231

himself by his folio edition of his Centuries; Mt.^'^-^sst-

•rt / -r^ ^ Mary.

Fox gained by his first (and least Latin) Book of

Martyrs ; Mr. Laurence Humphrey was no loser by
his making and setting forth his three books de
nobUitate^ which he entitled Optimates, as by trans-
lating Philo de Nobilitatey and Origen de recta fide^
out of Greek. Others employed themselves in over-
seeing and correcting the press, especially about the
English Bible, with the Geneva notes thereon.

28. Such sums attained by their own industry, and God*»
though small in bulk, were great in blessing, a divine aiw^rSi
benediction being always invisibly breathed on painful

and lawful diligence. Thus the servant employed in
making and blowing of the fire, though sent away
thence as soon as it bumeth clear, ofttimes getteth
by his pains a more kindly and continuing heat than
the master himself, who sitteth down by the same ;
and thus persons industriously occupying themselves
thrive better on a little of their own honest getting,
than lazy heirs on the large revenues left unto
them.

29. One thing much kept up the credit of the Queen
English exiles with the merchants and bankers be-sicSss^^
yond the seas; namely, the certain and constant ^{l^^^
report of queen Mary's decaying condition : daily *£®j!^®^
consuming, though increasing ; wasting, though swell- exUes.
ing with an hydropical distemper, which could not

be kept so close under the key of confession, but
that it became the public discourse at home and
abroad ; and although many reports of queen Mary's
death were shot out at random, (whereof one, some
months after, hit the mark,) and the same were
proved to be false, yet thereby the news of her sick-
ness gained a general belief. This gave reputation

Q 4

232 The Church History book viii.

A. D. 1557. to such English in Gennany as were known to be
_tl^y_'_ possessed of estates in their own country, enabUng
them with trust to borrow convenient sums from
any creditors, who would make probable adventures
for their advantage, beholding the English very re^
sponsible in an approaching reversion.

c'hek**^hi ^^* ^^ much of our English exiles, whom our pen
unprosper- will sliortly handle under a better notion. Return
we to sir John Cheke, lately mentioned, with a
promise to enlarge his story ; though so sad in itself,
we would willingly (but for wronging of the truth)
have buried the same in silence. Well and wel-
come, loved and respected, was this knight at Stras-
burg, when he would needs return for Brabant ut
UiVai'em ducereU to marry a wife, saith the printed
Sleidan, but by mistake, (for he was married some
years before, to a lady which long survived him,)
instead of ut xunorem educeret^ that he might fetch
forth and bring home his wife, lately, it seems, come
out of England into the Low Countries*. He is said
first to have consulted the stars, (would he had not
gone so high, or else gone higher for his advice,)
being too much addicted to judicial astrology. Now,
whether here the error was in the art itself, as false
and frivolous, or in his misapplying the rules thereof,
(not well understanding the language of the stars,)
more sure it is his journey had sad success ; for in
his return from Brussels to Antwerp, no whit secured
by his own innocence, nor by the promise of the lord
Paget, nor by the pledging of sir John Mason for
his public protection, nor by the intercession of his
friend Feckenham, abbot of Westminster, to queen

^ Fox, Acts and Hon., torn. III. pag. 761 .

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 233

Mary, he, with sir Peter Carew, was beaten from his a. 0.1557.

horse, tied hand and foot to the bottom of a cart, —

thence conveyed hoodwinked to the next haven, and
so shipped over under hatches unto the Tower of
London.

31. Here all arts were used on him, which might Recanteth

., , J . J I .J orally, and

prevail to drive or draw an easy soul surpnsed on a died for
sudden, to make him renounce his religion; until ^®^^®^
hard usage in prison, joined with threatenings of
worse, and fair promises on his submission, drew
from his mouth an abrenunciation of that truth
which he so long had professed and still believed,
and thereupon was restored to his liberty, but never
to his contentment; for such is the tyranny of
papists, that they are not satisfied to take men's
consciences captive by their cruelty, except also they
carry them about in public triumph, as here Bonner
got sir John Cheke unawares to sit in the place
where godly martyrs were condemned 5"; and although
he then did nothing but sit still, sigh, and be silent,
yet shame for what he had done, sense of what others
suffered, and sorrow that his presence should be
abused to countenance cruelty, brought him quickly
to a comfortable end of a miserable life, as carrying
God's pardon and all good men's pity along with Sept. 13.
him.

32. Since his death, his memory hath done some History
penance, (I say not to satisfy the failings in his life,) hirparent^
being wronged in his parentage, abused in his parts, ^' p®^^'
and mistaken in his posterity. For the first, a learned "^y-
pen ' (but too free in dealing disgraceful characters

y Fox, ibidem. of Edward VI. p. 6. [Strype's

* Sir John Hay ward's Life Mem. II. 472.]

284 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1557-011 the subjects thereof) styleth him a man of mean

5 Mary. "^ ' ^

birth, and generally he is made only the son of his

own deserts ; whereas Mr. Peter Cheke, sir John's
father, living in Cambridge, (where sir John was
bom, over against the cross in the market-place, and
where, by the advantage of his nativity, he fell from
the womb of his mother into the lap of the Muses,)
was descended of the family of the Chekes of Mos-
ton in the Isle of Wight, (where their estate was
about 300/. a year, never increased nor diminished
till sold outright some twenty years since,) out of
which Richard Cheke, in the reign of king Richard
the Second, married a daughter of the lord Mon-
tague. As for Duffield, his mother, she was a dis-
creet and grave matron, as appeared by the good
counsel and Christian charge she gave this her son
when coming to take his farewell of her, and betake
himself to prince Edward his tuition •. For his
parts, the foresaid author with the same breath
termeth him, so far as appears by the books he
wrote, pedantic enough, that is, too much, to such
as understand his meiosis. But had he perused all
his works, and particularly his True Subject to the
Rebel, he would have bestowed a better character
upon him. Another writer ^ can find no issue left
of his body, saving one son bearing his father's name ;
whereas he had three sons by his wife, as aj^ears
on her monument in St. Martin's in the Fields:
1. Henry, the eldest, secretary to the council in the
north, who on Frances Ratcliffe, sister to the last

■ The mother of my aged ^ One that set forth his life

and worthy friend Mr. Jackson in Oxford, anno 1641. [Pre-

of Histons was, ^\^th many fixed to his True Subject to

others, present thereat. the Rebel.]

CBNT. XVI. of Britain. 235

earl of Sussex of that family, begat sir Thomas Cheke, a.d. 1557.

of Pyrgo in Essex, blessed with an happy issue; L

2. John, a valiant gentleman, and Edward, both
dying without any posterity. But these things belong
to heralds, not historians.

38. The sufferings of Katharine, duchess of Suffolk, The pU-
baronessWilloughby of Eresby, late widow of Charies SH^ws
Brandon, duke of Suffolk, since wife to Richard ^^^^*^^^-
Berty, esq., must not be forgotten ; a lady of a sharp
wit, and sure hand to drive her wit home, and make
it pierce where she pleased. This made bishop Gar-
diner to hate her much for her jests on him, but
more for her earnest towards God, the sincerity of
her religion ; and thereupon she was forced, with
her husband and infant daughter, to fly beyond the
seas^

34. It would tire our pen to trace their removals. True and
from their house (the Barbican, in London) to Lioury.
Key ; thence to Leigh ; thence over seas (being
twice driven back again) into Brabant; thence to
Xanten, a city of Cleveland ; thence to Wesel, one of
the Hanse Towns ; thence to Windhein, in the Pala-
tinate ; thence to Frankfort ; thence, by many inter-
mediate stages, into Poland. Every removal minis-
tered them matter of new difficulties, to improve
their patience ; new dangers, to employ their prayers ;
and new deliverances, to admire God's providence ;
especially in their passage from Xanten to Wesel ^,
in a cold February and a great thaw, after a long
frost, on foot, in a dark night and rainy weather,
through ways unknown, without guide to direct or

^ [She was concerned in va- ^ See it at large in Fox, torn.
rious treasons in this reign.] III. pag. 928.

236 The Church Hist fory bool-vul

A. D. 1557. company to defend them, leaving certain foes behind,
J. — !21. and having but suspected friends before them. The
end of their journey was worse than their journey
itself, finding first at Wesel no inn to entertain them,
able to speak little high Dutch for themselves, and
other willing to speak in comfort to them. In a
word, it would trouble one's head to invent more
troubles than they had all at once ; and it would
break one's heart to undergo but half so many,
seeing their real sufferings out-romanced the fictions
of many errant adventures.
The vanity 35. No English subject had like foreign relations

of rel&tions*

with this lady, and yet they rather afflicted than
befriended her : she had been wife to him who had
been husband to a queen of France, yet durst not go
into that country. By the confession of bishop Gar-
diner himself, she and queen Mary were the only
English ladies of Spanish extraction and alliance,
yet was it unsafe for her to stay in any part of the
Spanish dominions. The emperor owed her (as
executrix to her husband, duke Charles) great sums
of money, yet durst she not demand payment, lest
the creditrix should be made away, and so the debt
satisfied.
God the 36. Yet an higher emperor, even God himself,

Desw QeDtoi*»

seemed in some sort mdebted unto her {he thai
giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord) for her bounty
at home, in the height of her honour, to foreigners,
protestants especially, in distress.
Makes just 37. And uow that good debtor, God his pro-
paynaen . ^jj^j^^^^ made full payment thereof, by inciting the

king of Poland, at the mediation of the palatine of
Vilna, (as he at the instance of John baron Alasco,
who foraierly in England had tasted of this lady's

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 237

liberality,) to call this duchess, with her husband a. d. 1557.
and family, to a place in Poland of safety, profit, ^ ^^'
credit, and command, where they comfortably con-
tinued till the death of queen Mary. During these
their travels. Peregrine Berty (carrying his foreign
nativity in his name) was bom unto them, afterwards
the valiant lord Willoughby of Eresby. To con-
clude, let this virtuous lady her example encourage
all to be good to all godly in distress, seeing hospes
hodicy ei'os hospes^ the entertainers to-day may want
entertainment to-morrow.

38. My pen hath been a long time an exile from why the
England, and now is willing to return to its native so^s/ient^hi
soil, though finding little comfort to invite it thither, ^at^.
and less to welcome it there. Only I find a parlia-
ment called, solely commendable on this account,

that it did no more mischief in church matters.
Indeed the two former parliaments had so destroyed
all things in religion, they gave a writ of ease to
the rest in this queen's reign, to do nothing.

39. The same reason may be rendered of the As also the
silence in the convocation, where John Harpsfield,tion.
archdeacon of London, and prolocutor, preached also

the Latin sermon ® ; his text, (how suiting to the
occasion, let him answer it,) Matt. xxi. 2, Ite in
casteUum quod contra vos est, &c., where Christ
sends two disciples to fetch him the ass and the
ass colt. '

40. The clergy gave the queen a subsidy of eight a grand
shillings in the pound, confirmed by act of parlia- granted,
ment, to be paid in four years ; in requital whereof,

by Pole's procurement, the queen privileged them
from shewing their horses with the laity ; yet so as

e Raster of Cant, in cardinal Pole.

238 The Church Hhtory book viii.

A.D. 1557. they should muster them up for the defence of the
^ ^'"'^^' land, under captains of their own choosing. ,

Qiieen 41. Here we meet with a piece of valour in queen

whirt HtoiiC Mary, daring to oppose the pope, and shewing that
moI?de- h^r mother queen Katharine's devotion had not
vout. drowned in her all the spirit of king Henry her
father. Pope Paul the Fourfli, wholly fkvouring the
French faction, and perfectly hating cardinal Pole,
whom he beheld as the principal promoter of the
late wars in France, sent cardinal William Peyto
(born of an ancient family at Chesterton in War-
wickshire '^) to ease him in England of his legatine
power ; but the queen so ordered the matter, that
by her prerogative she prohibited Peito entrance into
England, and got the aforesaid power established
and confirmed on cardinal Pole.
The death 42. Somcwhat boforo we saw a great wonder, viz.
cjardiner. the death of Stephen Grardiner, bishop of Winches-
ter, not that he died, (being past sixty,) but that he,
who lived so zealous a papist, should die more than
half a protestant, as wholly one in the point of man's
justification by the free mercies of God and merits
of Christ 8r. John White, born in Winchester dio-
cese, first schoolmaster, then warden of Winchester
school, was by the premises so tempted to be also
bishop there, that it made him digest the simony to
succeed Gardiner, though on condition to pay a
thousand pounds a year out of that bishopric to
cardinal Pole, for his better support.
Trinity 43. But the most pleasant object to entertain us

Oxford at this time in England is the beholding of two fair

founded by

^Camden's Brit, in Warwick- p. 248.]
shire, p. 424. [See Philips' Life & Fo\, Acts and Mon. [III.

of Cardinal Pole, II. 185, ed. 527. I can find no authority

1764; and Heylyn's Reform, for the succeeding statement]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

5^9

and fresh foundations in Oxford^: the one, Trinity a. d. 1557.

College, built by sir Thomas Pope, in the place '-

where long since Thomas Hatfield, bishop, and Ro- p^^^^**"***
bert Walworth, prior of Durham, had built a college
for Durham monks, which, at the present much
decayed and ruinated, was by sir Thomas re-edified
and endowed. I find this Mr. Pope (as yet un-
knighted) principal visitor at the dissolution of
abbeys S into whose hands the seal of St. Alban's
itself WBS first surrendered. Now, as none were
losers employed in that service, so we find few re-
funding back to charitable uses ; and perchance this
man alone the thankful Samaritan^ who made a
public acknowledgment.

PresidenU.

Bishops,

Benefactors,

Learned Writers,

[1556.J Thomas Sly-

Dame Eliza-

[John Selden, the

thurst I .

beth Paulet 0.

learned anti-

['559'] Arthur Yd-

quary. & ircpl

dard.

irov irciraiScu-

[1598.] Ranulph Ket-

/xeVos.]

tle.

[The renowned

[1643.] Dr. [Hanni-

Chillingw'orth.]

bal] Potter.

Dr. [Robert]

Harris".

[Dr.Bathurst.]

Insomuch that therein is at this present a president,

*» [Trinity College in 1555,
and St. John's in 1557.]

» Weever's Funeral Mon. p.
112. [He is described as of
Tyttenhanger in Hertfordshire,
in Anthony Wood. Hist, of
Colleges, &c.]

^ Luke xvii. 16.

1 [Ejected by the visitors of
queen Elizabeth for his religion,
and cast into the Tower, where
he died about 1 560.]

™ [Put in the place of Dr.
Potter by the parliamentary
visitors in CromweH's time.
Dr. Potter was restored in
1660.]

^ [Fourteen bishops, and
among them Dr. Sheldon, are
enumerated in Wood to 1781.]

" [Her name is not men-
tioned in the list of benefactors
by Wood. She was the second
wife of sir Thomas Pope, and

240 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1557. twelve fellows, twelve scholars, besides officers and

- - servants of the foundation, with many other students ;

the whole number being an hundred thirty three.

St. John's 44. The other, St. John's College, erected by sir

Oxford Thomas White, (bom at Rickmansworth in Hert-

sirTiiom^ fordshire,) a bottomless fountain of bounty, if we

wiute. consider the ponds which he filled, and besides the

running streams which flowed from him. Of the

first kind were the cities of London, Bristol, and

Coventry, on which he severally bestowed great

sums of money to purchase lands therewith. His

running stream I account that his gift which I may

call the circulation of charity, being a legacy of one

hundred pounds delivered out of Merchant Taylors'

Hall on St. Bartholomew's Day, and lent gratis to

four poor clothiers for ten years, in twenty-three

several corporations. Thus, as a wise merchant, he

conceived it safest to adventure his bounty in sundry

bottoms.

Theoaa- 45, B^t the mastorpiecc thereof was his founding:

aiunt) of St. John's College, in Oxford. Indeed his libe-

rality baited first at Gloucester Hall, which place he

re-edified ; but so small a hall was too little to lodge

so large a soul in, which sought for a subject of

greater receipt. A tradition goes of his dream, that

he should in time meet with a place where two elms

grew of the same height, and where his further

purpose should take effect ®. Come we from what

he dreamt to what he did, who, finding belike that

tree-mark, by it he built and endowed St. John's

afterwards married Hugh Pau- only benefaction consisted of a

let, esq., of Hinton St. George, donation of to/.]

in Somersetshire, and was bu- o Stow's Survey of London,

ried in the college chapel. Her p. 91.

CENT. XVI.

of Briiahi,.

241

College ; and being himself free of the company of a.
merchant tailors in London, (where he was lord —
mayor,) he ordered that that school should be a
prime nursery to his college ; and out of it the most
pregnant scholars are annually elected into this his
foundation. It is now lately enlarged with addition
of a new court and other benefactions, by the libe-
rality of William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury,
whose body though it be obscurely buried at All-
hallows Barking, grateful posterity will deservedly
behold this building as hissjlasting monument p.

I>.i557.
Mary.

Presidents,

Bishops.

Benefactors.

Learned Writers,

[1555.1 Alexander Bel-

Toby Mat-

Sir William

Edmund Campion,

8ire<i.

thew, arch-

Craven,

Gregory Martin,

William Elyr.

bishop of

knight.

Humphry Ely,

[1563.] William Stoke,

York.

Sir William

Henry Holland, —

[or Stocker.j

John Buck-

Paddy, km'ght.

fellows of this

[1564.1 John Robinson.

ridge, bishop

doctor of phy-

house, and vio-

[1572.] TobyMatthew.

of Ely.

sic, commoner

lent papists ^

[1577.] FrandsWillis.

Rowland

of the college.

John Case, doctor

[1590.] Ralph Hutch.

Searchfield,

He gave freely

of physic u.

inson.

bishop of

towards the

[Bishop Buck-

[1605.] John Buck.

Bristol.

building and

ridge.]

ridge.

William

furnishing of

William Laud, in

[161 1.] William Laud.

Laud, arch-

their library.

his learned book

[162 1.] William Jux.

bishop of

purchased to

against Fisher.

on 8.

Canterbury.

the college two

[1632.] Richard Baylie.

William Jux-

perpetual pa-

[1648.] Francis Chey-

on, bishop

tronages, and

nell.

of London.

much beauti-

[1650.] [Thankful]

Dr. Boyle,

fied the chapel.

Owen.

bishop of
Cork, [of
Limerick
in 1619.]

p [The body was afterwards
removed from Barking Church,
and buried in the college cha-
pel.]

q [Deprived by queen Eli-
sabeth for his religion.]

' [Deprived also, for de-
fending the supremacy of the

FULLER, VOL. IV.

pope, by the queen's visitors.
He died in prison, 1609.]

s [Deprived by the parlia-
mentary visitors ; was restored
in 1660.]

* Pitzaeus de Script, [p. 776,
781, 803, 808.]

« [See Pitz. ib. 800.]

242 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1558. The above-mentioned Dr. Case, sometimes fellow

/» Til

^^ of this college, married a wife, kept house in Oxford,

and scholars in his house, teaching many youth logic,
ethics, and philosophy. The university was so far
from beholding this as an infringing of their privi-
leges, that out of honour to this doctor's abilities
his scholars, by special grace, were so far favoured
that they were made as capable of degrees as if
admitted gremials in the university. At this day
St. John's hath a president, fifty fellows and scholars,
a chaplain and a clerk, besides servants, commoners,
and other students ; being in all an hundred and
twenty.

Calais lost, 46. Quecu Mary every day waxed more and more

the queen

melancholy, melancholy, whereof several causes are assigned.
Some conceive her sorrowing that by negligence
the key of France (Calais) was slipped from her
girdle, which her predecessors wore by their sides
more than two hundred years ; but now it is gone,
let it go : it was but a beggarly town, which cost
England ten times yearly more than it was worth
in keeping thereof, as by the accounts in the ex-
chequer doth plainly appear ^.
Her grief 47. Others ascribe her sadness to her husband's ab-
hand's ab- scuce, which had many and made more occasions to go
*®"^' and stay beyond the seas, after he had found England
not so useful as he expected, as having neither power
therein nor profit thereby, (though as much as on
the articles of marriage was promised him,) half so
much as he had promised to himself; besides queen
Mary her person was no gainer (scarce a saver) of
affection, having her father's feature, a face broad

^ And in a manuscript of sir Robert Cotton's own making.

CENT. xvr.

of Britain,

243

and biff, with her mother's colour, a somewhat a. d. 1558.

^' 6 Mary.

swarthy complexion y.

48. As queen Mary was not over fair, king Philip And death
was not over fond, especially after he began to
despair of issue from her. Indeed her physicians
hoped her to be with child, till her misconceived
pregnancy proved a dropsy at the last, whereof she

died, having reigned five years and odd months. As Nov. 17.
for the suggestion of Osorius the Spaniard, that the
English protestants attempted to poison her, a
learned author returns, Nihil hujusmodi dictum^ nee
scriptumi fictitm^ nee pietum ^ being the bare inven-
tions of his scandalous tongue.

49. Within few hours after her death, died car- The death
dinal Pole, archbishop of Canterbury, one who, the Pole.
longer he lived in England, the less he had of an
Englishman, daily more and more Italianating him-
self, and conversing most with the merchants of that
country: practising the principles of Italian thrift,

his pomp was rather gaudy than costly, and attend-
ance ceremonious more than expensive. By bills of
exchange he made over much money to Venice and
Rome; and fearing a bank in England, if queen
Mary should fail, provided himself a bank beyond
the seas. He procured of the queen the patronage
of nineteen benefices unto his see% promised and

y [^Extreme unction was ad-
ministered to her at the mid-
night of the 1 6th of November,
1558, and early on the follow-
ing morning mass was cele-
brated in her bedchamber. She
listened with that deep devotion
which characterized her wliole
life, appeared to be perfectly

sensible and collected, and ex-
pired about six o'clock in the
morning, a few minutes before
the conclusion of the service.
Mr. Tytler from Gonzales,
Reign of Queen Mary, p. 500.]

2 Iladdon, Contra Osorium,
lib. I. fol. 25.

a [Parker, Ant. 528.]

R 2

The Church History

BOOK viir.

A. D. 1558. intended to repair the palace at Canterbury. He

^IlLwas buried in his own cathedral, with this short

and modest epitaph on his plain monument :

" DEPOSITVM CARDINALIS POLI **."

Hugood 50. He always had a favourable inclination to

'^^{jj*^p^ protestants, though, to wipe off the aspersion of

testant. Luthcrauism, at last he grew somewhat severe

against them, but expressing it rather in wronging

the dead (whose bones he burnt) than hurting the

^ [He outlived the queen
but sixteen hours; she dying
between the hours of five and
six in the morning, and he
about three o'clock the succeed-
ing morning : *' ad tertiam horam
*' noctis." Park. Ant. 5 3 2. God-
win. At the time of his death
he was in his fifty-ninth year.

It is not easy to form a fair
estimate of this cardinal's cha-
racter, many of his panegyrists
being guided in their opinions
entirely by foreign biographers ;
others, on the other hand, in-
discriminately condemning him
with the rest of the bishops
who were active in suppressing
the protestant religion ; arch-
bishop Tunstall, in a passage
quoted by Mr. Turner, (Ed. VI.
p. 155,) reflects very severely
on the cardinal, who was then
engaged in forming an associa-
tion against his own country :
" The bishop of Rome has
*' allowed to his purpose a
** subject of this realm, Regi-
'* nald Pole, coming of a noble
** blood, and thereby the more
*^ arrant traitor, to go about
*' from prince to prince, and
" from country to country, to

" stir them to war against this
" realm, and to destroy the
*' same, being his native coun-
*' try. This most unkind trai-
** tor is his minister to so
** devilish a purpose; without
*' shame, he still goeth on ex-
" horting thereunto all princes
*• that will hear him." Sermon
on Palm Sunday, 1539. This
alludes to the cardinal's endea-
vour to stimulate the French
king and the emperor to under-
take a war against this king-
dom. But much may be said
in his excuse, if this rumour
of which the bishop spake were
true, considering the savage
cruelty exercised upon the car-
dinal's mother and brother, and
that he acted no otherwise than
as an officer employed by the
pope. Abstractedly of the fact
that no instances of cruelty are
charged upon him by protestant
historians, it is no slight proof
of the mildness of his character
that he was the intimate friend
of Sadolet, Contareni, Bembo,
and other foreifsn scholars who
were in the highest estimation
for moderation and piety.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 245

living. The papists accuse him for too much indul-A.D.1558.

gence to the married clergy, because only parting ^

them from their wives, and depriving them from
their livings ; but soon afterwards preferring the
same persons to benefices of for better revenue ^.
He was an absolute protestant in the point of jus-
tification, much offended with the proud error of
Osorius therein ; thus expressing himself : Non potest
viribfis humanis nimium detrahi, nee addi Divin^e
^aticB^ ; **Too much cannot be taken away from
** man's power, nor given to God's grace."

51. He left Aloisius Priuli, a gentleman of Venice, Leaveth
his sole executor, to dispose of his estate to pious estate to
uses, chiefly on the relief of foreigners. In England '"**'
he had no want of near kindred, and some of them,
for all their high birth, near akin to want ; yet he,
passing them by, ordered that his whole estate should
be conferred on Italians ; some condemning, some
commending him for the same, as a deed of grati-
tude, because those of that nation had formerly for
many years relieved his necessities. His executor so
honestly discharged his trust therein, that he freely
disposed the whole estate to the true intent of the
testator, insomuch that he left not any thing thereof
unto himself, save only two small books, viz. a bre-
viary and a diurnal, for a mere memorial®. Thus
died cardinal Pole, neither of Italian physic wilftiUy
taken by himself, as an English author insinuates^,
nor of poison given to him by the protestants, as a

c Sanders, De Schis. Ang. III. 468.]

p. 245. e [Parker, Ant. 533. Phil-

^ Haddon, Contra Osorium, lips, II. 21 i.J

lib. II. fol. 58. [Strypfe's Mem. ' Fox's Acts, II. 957.

R 3

246

The Church History

BOOK VIII.

Queen

Mary's

double

funeral

sermons.

A. D.I 558. Spanish writer suggests, but of a quartan fever then
_1J!ZL epidemical in England, and malignant above the
ordinary nature of that disease ^.

52. The funerals of queen Mary were performed
with much solemnity and true sorrow of those of
her own religion. White, bishop of Winchester,
preached the sermon, taking for his text Ecclesiastes
ix. 4, A living dog is better than a dead lion K One
not present at the place might easily tell whom he
made the lion, and whom the dog. Indeed he
strewed all the flowers of his rhetoric on queen
Mary deceased, leaving not so much as the stalks
to scatter on her surviving sister'. This White,

K [Parker, Ant. 532.]
^ Pitz. de Script, p. 763.
* [This is a great mistake,
and conveys a strange misre-
presentation of Winchester's
sermon ; but Fuller derived
his information^ in all proba-
bility, from sir J. Harrington,
a noted court satirist, and he
is not the only author who has
been misled by that writer.
Winchester s sermon has been
printed by Strype, in his Mem.
III. 2. p. 277. His text is in
these words : ** Laudavi mar-
'* iuos magis quam viventes,
•* sed Jeliciorem utroque judu
" cavi qui necdum nalus est,**
After endeavouring to shew
how this observation of Solo-
mon is reconcilable with the
purer precepts of Christianity,
he proceeds to shew that the
condition of those who die in
the faith is more desirable than
that of the living. He then
takes occasion to shew how an
apparently contradictory pas-

sage of Solomon ('' melius est
" canis vivus quam leo mor~
" tuus'*) may be reconciled
with his text. He then reverts
to the original subject of his
text 3 and so far is he from
making any reflections upon
queen Elizabeth, that the only
place in which he refers to her
is in these words : " And as
** we for our parts have received
" worthily detriment and dis-
'* comfort upon her [queen
*• Mary's] departing, so let us
*' comfort ourselves in the
" other sister^ whom God hath
** left, wishing her a prosper-
'* ous reign in peace and tran-
*' quillity, with the blessing
" which the prophet speaketh
" of, if it be God*s will ; ut
** videat filiosjiliorum et pacem
" super Israel; ever confess-
*^ ing that though God hath
*' mercifully provided for them
*' both, yet Maria optimam
*' partem elegit ; because it is
'* still a conclusion, Laudavi

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

247

being a tolerable poet, (for so one characterethA.D. 1558.

him ^^) was an intolerable flatterer, and made use of ^^

his poetical license in the praise of popery. More
modest and moderate was the sermon of Feckenham,
abbot of Westminster, taking for his text Eccle-
siastes iv. 2, 1 praise the dead rathei' than the living \
who preached also the obsequies of queen Mary ;
either that he did it as an act of supererogation, or
because it was conceived the more state for so great
a prince to have a duplicate of such solemnities.
The best is, the protestants of that age cared not
how many (so it be funeral) sermons were preached
for her.

53. However, take queen Mary in herself, ab-Herde-
stracted from her opinions, and by herself, secluded ^^gg.
from her bloody counsellors, and her memory will
justly come under commendation. Indeed she knew
not the art of being popular »", and never cared to

'' mortuos magis quam viven-
** tesJ' If White was commit-
ted for this sermon, as Strype
says, (Mem. III. 466,) it was
most probably for his reflec-
tions upon Geneva, or for over-
extolling the deceased queen,
as the same writer thinks ; for,
according to Goodman, queen
Elizabeth was never much
pleased at hearing the praises
of her sister Marv; and it is
certain that when White, in
the course of his sermon, took
occasion to describe the death
of queen Mary, he fell into
such a passion of tears, that
his. utterance was choked by
Lis sobbing and weeping, and
a considerable time elapsed be-
fore he was able to proceed.]

^ Camd. in his £liz. in anno

1 [Part of this sermon is
printed by Collier, II. 405.]

^ [It is certainly a great
mistake that Mary knew not
the art of popularity ; she
would not stoop to it like her
sister, and perhaps her Spanish
connexion stood much in her
way ; but in the instances
where exertion was required,
and she felt it her duty to
appeal to the affections of the
people, first in vindicating her
claim to the throne, and se-
condly in quelling Wyat's re-
bellion, the effect which she
produced was remarkable.
There was honesty of speech
and purpose about her which

R 4

248 The Church Hutory book viii.

A. D. 1558. learn it, and generally (being more given to her

ary^ beads than her book) had less of learning, or parts

to get it, than any of her father's children. She
hated to equivocate in her own religion, and alway
was what she was, without dissembling her judgment
or practice, for fear or flattery ; little beloved of her
subjects, to whom though once she remitted an
entire subsidy, yet it little moved their affections,
because, though liberal in this act, she had been
unjust in another, her breach of promise to the gen-
try of Norfolk and Suffolk. However, she had be^n
a worthy princess, had as little cruelty been done
under her as was done by her". Her devotion
always commanded her profit, and oftentimes did
fill the church with the emptying of her own ex-
chequer.
Her and 54. Take oue instance of many: the hospital of

hfii* ladies^

bounty to the Savoy in the Strand, founded by her grandfather
LuorSIe king Henry the Seventh, and since dissolved, was
Savoy. i^y YiQT crcctcd again ; and whereas the utensils
thereof had lately been embezzled, (the house being
left as bare as the poor people which were brought
therein,) her maids of honour, out of their own
wardrobe, furnished it with beds, blankets, and
sheets ^. Were any of those ladies still alive, I
would pray for them in the language of the psalmist,
The Lord make all their bed in their sickness p. And
he is a good bed-maker indeed who can and will

never failed to secure her a " gard not the errors of her

favourable reception.] *• religion."]

« \j' She was a body," says o Stow, in his Survey of

bishop Godwin, "very godly, London, p. 491. [Bk. IV. p. 107.

" merciful, chaste, and every Strype.]
** way praiseworthy, if you re- P Psalm xli. 3.

CENT. XVI. fif Britain. 249

make it fit the person and please the patient. But a. d. 1558.
seeing such long since are all deceased, it will be no "^*
superstition to praise God for their piety, and com-
mend their practice to the imitation of posterity.

55. Her body was interred in the chapel of king The place
Henry the Seventh, in the aisle on the north side rial,
thereof; and afterwards the corpse of her sister
queen Elizabeth was buried in the same vault. Over
both king James afterwards erected a most sump-
tuous monument, though the epitaph inscribed
thereon taketh no notice at all of queen Mary, as
destined and designed solely to the memory of queen
Elizabeth. But Mary's name still surviveth in many
[Roman] catholic families, being (though never
mother herself) godmother to many of her servants'
sons, giving her own [Anthony -Maria, Edward-
Maria, &c.] as an addition to their Christian
names*

56. Many great persons, chiefly of the clergy, God paveth
followed her into another world ; whether out of a queen eu-
politic sympathy that being raised by her, they would ^niiiig\o
fall with her, or that, foreseeing alteration of reli- ^^® ^^^^
gion, and their own ruin, they died, to prevent death,
heart-broken with sorrow. Besides, at this time

there was a strange mortality, different from other
infections, not sweeping but choosing, which did
principally single out men of wealth and quality ^.
Whilst such as make uncharitable applications pa-
rallel this to the plague of the Israelites, which slew
the wealthiest of them ^ we will only conceive that

4 *' Communis qusedam lues '* honorantes personas depopu-

" ex ardore febrium per univer- " labatur." Haddon, Contra

'* SOS Anglise ordines permeabat Osorium> fol. 25.

'' et in iOis maxime divites^ et ^ Psalm Ixxi. 32.

250

The Church History of Britain. book viii.

-^•^•' 558- God, intendiug to plant in queen Elizabeth, first

cleared the ground by removing such as probably

would oppose her s. Neither was it a small advan-
tage unto her that the parliament sat at her sister's
death ; after which they only continued so long as
Nov. 18. jointly and publicly to proclaim Elizabeth queen*,
and then they were dissolved **. Now, though her
title was free from doubt, yet it was not so clear
from cavils but that one, considering the power of
the English papists at this time, and their activity
at all times, will conclude they might have (though
not hurt, troubled, and though not hindered) dis-
turbed her succession ; whereas now, being so so-
lemnly proclaimed, it gave n^uch countenance and
some strength to her right, being done by the whole
state in so weighty a manner that it crushed in
pieces all hopes of private oppositions. Thus those
whom God will have to rise shall never want hands
to lift them up.

8 [Queen Mary died the 17th
of November, 1558. Strype's
An. I. I.]

* Holinshed, II. 1170.

u [Elizabeth was proclaimed
before Mary's death, who was
so far from putting any obstacle
in the way of her sister's suc-
cession, as some have asserted,

that she expressed herself much
pleased when the proposal was
made to her ; only adding two
requests, that her debts should
be paid, anfl the old religion
be maintained, which she had
some reason to expect, as Eli-
zabeth always professed her
attachment to it.]

THE

CHUKCH HISTOKY

BRITAIN.

THE NINTH BOOK,

CONTAINING THE REION OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.

THE HONOURABLE

GEORGE BERKELEY.

SOLE SON TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
GEOSOE BARON OF BERKELEY >.

HAVE ever dissented from their opi-
nion who maintain that the world was
created a level champaign, mountains
being only the prodnct of Noah's flood,
where the violence of the waters aggested the earth.

■ [" Most children ."observes
Lloyd in bis Memoirs, p. 1 28,
" are notified by their parents;
" yet some fatliers are made
" eminent by their children : as
" Simon of Cyrene is known
" by this character, — the father
" of Alexander and Rufus ;
" and this honourable person
" [George baron of Berkeley]
" by this happy circumstance,
" — that he was fatlier to the
" right honourable George lord
" Berkeley, [the subject of the
" Dedication,] who hath been
" as bountiful to the Church
" of England and its sulfcriiig
" members of late, (witness Dr.
" Pearson, Dr. Fuller, &c.) as

' his honourable ancestors were
' to the same church and its
' devout members formerly,
' when there were twelve ab-
' beys of their erection, which
' enjoyed twenty-eight knights'
' fees of their donation ; that
■ noble family now, as well as
' then, deserving to wear an
' abbot's mitre for the crest of
' their arms, so loving they
' have been always to the
' clergy, and so ready to build
* them synagogues and endow
' them, not only with worthy
' maintenance, but with emi-
' nent incumbents, such whose
' gifts the church wanted more
' than they its i

254

DEDICATION.

gored out of the hollow valleys ; for we read how,
in that deluge, the fnountains were (not then as
upstarts first caused, but as old standards, newly)

covered ^.

As much do I differ from their false position,
who affirm that all being equal in the loins of Adam
and womb of Eve, honour was only the efltect of
human ambition in such whose pride or power ad-
vanced themselves above others ; whereas it was
adequate to the creation, as originally fixed, in
eldership or primogeniture, and afterwards, by
Divine Providence, (the sole fountain thereof,)
conferred on others, either out of love, by nothing
less than his express commission for their good, or
hatred, by somewhat more than his bare permission
for their ruin.

The three sons of David serve us for the three-
fold division of honour :

i. Absalom said, that I were made judge in the
land ^ !

"nest men in the worst of
** times finding him their pa-
** tron, and ingenious men in
•* the best of times enjoying
'* him at once their encourage-
ment and their example ; be-
ing happy to a great degree
** in that ingenuity himself that
*' he doth so much promote in
'* others. May there never
** want worthy men that may
" deserve such a noble patron ;
** and may noble persons never

f€

" be wanting that may encou-
" rage such worthy men." To
this noble and exemplary pa-
tron Fuller also dedicated his
Appeal of Injured Innocence.
He succeeded to the title of
Berkeley in 1658, and died in
1698. Besides his other acts
of generosity, he gave a large
collection of books to Sion Col-
lege. Collins^ III. 617.]

^ Gen. vii. 20.

c 2 Sam, XV. 4.

DEDICATION. 255

ii. Adonijah exalted himself^ saying^ I will be
king ^.

iii. Solomon said nothing; but David said, (and
God confinned his words, Assuredly he shall reign
after me ®.

The first sought by secret ambition to surprise
his father's subjects.

The second went a more bold and blunt way
to work, by open usurpation ; but both finally mis-
carried.

The third reached not at all at honour, but only
happily held what was put into his hands.

But when outward greatness (as in the last in-
stance) is attended with inward grace, all Christian
beholders thereof are indebted to a double tribute
of respect to that person whose honour is marshalled
according to the apostolical equipage * : BUT
GLORY, HONOUR, AND PEACE. See how it
standeth like a shield in the middle, with glory and
peace as supporters on each side. And this is that
honour, the zealous pursuit whereof I humbly recom-
mend unto you.

Nor will you be offended at this my counsel, as
if it imported a suspicion of your present practice,
who know well what St. Paul saith. Edify one
another^ even as ye do^. It is no tautology to
advise good people to do what they do : such pre-

^ I Kings i. 5. ^ Rom. ii. 12.

e I Kings i. 17. Si Thess v. 1 1.

266 DEDICATION.

cepts are praises, such counsels commendations.
And in this notion do I tender my humble advice
to your consideration.

Remember the modesty of David in asking, One
thing have I desired of the Lord **, viz. to be con-
stantly present at his public service. And behold
the bounty of God in giving three for one: And
he died in a good old age^ full of days, riches^ and
honour ^ Such measure may you assuredly expect
from him, if before and above all things seeking
for that one thing which is needful; the rather
because God hath done great things for you already,
for which you have cause to rejoice.

A great and good man said to his fellow-servants,
Seemeth it a small thing to you to he son-in-law to
a king ^f A greater honour was done to your first
ancestor, who was son to a king, namely, to Har-
dinge, king of Denmark, whence Fitz-Harding, your
most ancient surname. But labour, sir, for a higher
honour than both : even to be led by God's Spirit ;
and then you shall be, even in the language of
the apostle himself, Fitz-Dieu, a son of God \

Now, as your eminent bounty unto me may
justly challenge the choicest of my best endeavours,
so the particular motive inducing me to dedicate
this Book to your honour is, because it containeth
the reign of queen Elizabeth, to whom you are so
nearly related ; whose grandmother proved her heir,

l> Psalm xxvii. 4. "^ 1 Sam. xviii. 23.

> I Cor. xxix. 28, 1 Rom. viii. 14.

DEDICATION. 257

by Anne Boleyn, her mother ™ ; in which capacity
some of that queen*s (or rather the lady Elizabeth's)
movables and jewels, which were her mother's, de-
scended unto her. You may therefore challenge an
interest most properly in this part of my History.

And now what remaineth but my humble and
hearty prayers to the Divine Majesty for his blessing
on yourself, and on your hopeful issue, that God
would plentifully pour all his favours of this and a
better life upon them ?

Suspect me* not, sir, for omitting, because not
expressing, your noble consort °. We find, in the
fourth Commandment, " Thou, and thy son, and thy
" daughter," &c. ; where divines render this reason
why the wife is not mentioned, because the same
person with the husband : on which account your
second self is effectually included within the daily
devotions of

Your bounden Orator,

THOMAS FULLER.

"^ The heir-general of George heiresses of John Massingbeard,

Carr L. Hunsdon, whose grand- esq., of Lincolnshire. Collins,

mother Mary was second sister III. 619. One of his daughters,

to Anne Boleyn. lady Theophila Berkeley, mar-

n [He married Elizabeth ried the excellent and pious

Masdngbeard, one of the co- Robert Nelson.]

FULLBR, VOL, IV. S

CHURCH HISTORY

BRITAIN.

BOOK IX.

iilOIl the first six weeks the queen andA.D. i
her wise council sufFered matters to-

> t - rt * ^^ slow

stand m their former state, without but wre
the least change, as yet not altering ^^^ti^
but consulting what should be altered.
Thus our Saviour Himself, coming into the temple,
and finding it profaned with sacrilege, wAen He had
looked round cAout upon all things ", departed for
that evening, contenting Himself with the survey
of what was amiss, and deferring the reformation
thereof till the next morning. But on the first of
January following'', being Sunday, (the best new-
year's gift that ever was bestowed on England,) by
virtue of the queen's proclamation, the litany was

' Mark xi. ii. thecommenceineiitofherieign,

^ Holinsbed, first year of with a view to deceive the Ro-

qneen Elizabeth, p.i 172. [The man catholic party. See a very

reason of thia delay is to he sensible note by the new editor

found in that secret policy of Dodd's Church History, III.

which the qneen adopted at p. 113.]
82

260

The Church History

BOOK IX,

A. D.I 5 59. read in English, with epistles and gospels, in all

'— churches of London, as it was formerly in her grace's

own chapel ^.
The for- g. But soHio violcnt spirfts, impatient to attend
private men the Icisuro (by them counted the laziness) of autho-
I^Smation rity, fell beforehand to the beating down of super-
^uri^ stitious pictures and images *, and their forward zeal
met with many to applaud it ; for idolatry is not to
be permitted a moment ; the first minute is the
fittest to abolish it ; all that have power have right
to destroy it, by that grand charter of religion
whereby every one is bound to advance God's glory.
And if sovereigns forget, no reason but subjects
should remember their duty. But others condemned
their indiscretion herein; for though they might
reform their private persons and families, and refrain
to communicate in any outward act contrary to
God's word, yet public reformation belonged to the
magistrate, and a good deed was by them ill done
for want of a calling to do it. However, the papists
have no cause to tax them with over-forwardness
in this kind, the like being done by them in the
beginning of queen Mary's reign, whilst the laws of
king Edward the Sixth stood as yet in full force,
when they prevented authority, as hath been for-

c [This proclamation was
given from the palace at West-
minster, 27th Dec. 1558; and
on the Sunday following the
lord mayor accordingly gave
commandment for reading the
litany, the Lord's prayer, and
the creed in English, and that
all persons should forbear " to
'* preach or teach, or to give
" audience to any manner of

** doctrine or preaching other
*' than to the gospels and epi-
** sties commonly called the
" gospel and epistle of the day,
" and to the ten command-
** ments in the vulgar tongue."
It is printed in full in Strype's
Ann. I. Ap. p. 3, and in Wil-
kins' Cone. IV. 1 80.]

d [See Strvpe's Annals, I.
48.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 261

merly observed ^ Thus those who are hungry, and a. 0.1559.
have meat afore them, will hardly be kept from ^ ^^*''
eating, though grace be not said and leave given
them by their superiors.

3. Now the tidings of queen Elizabeth's peace- The letter
able coming to the crown was no sooner brought English
beyond the seas, but it filled the English exiles ^t^ia
vnth unspeakable gladness, being instantly at home Fran^n
in their hearts, and not long after with their bodies ^ »*><>"* ^c-

commoda-

I knew one right well whose father amongst them, tionm cere-
being desperately diseased, was presently and per-OTmeTtoo
fectly cured with the cordial of this good news ; and ^*^*
no wonder if this queen recovered sick men, which
revived religion itself. Now the English Church at
Geneva, being the greatest opposer of ceremonies,
sent their letter by William Keith to all other Eng-
lish congregations in Germany, and especially to
those of Frankfort, congratulating their present de-
liverance, condoling their former discords, counsel-
ling and requesting "that all offences heretofore
given or taken might be forgiven and forgotten,
and that for the future they might no more fall
** out about superfluous ceremonies." But this let-
ter came too lates, because the principal persons
concerned in that controversy, with whom they
sought a charitable reconciliation, were departed
from Frankfort (I think towards England) before
the messenger arrived, and so the motion missed to
take effect. Some suppose, had it come in season,

« See Cent. XVI. Part II. ? It was dated Dec. 15, but

par. 2. not received till about Jan. the

' [Of the return of the Eng- 2nd. [t5S9-] See Troubles of

lish exiles, see Strype's Annals, Frankfort, p. 162. [= 182.]
I. 102.]

^S The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1559. it might have prevailed much, that both psui;ies, in

gratitude to God, would in a bonfire of their general

joy have burnt this unhappy bone of dissension cast
betwixt them. Others, considering the distance of
their principles and difference of their spirits, con-
ceive such an agreement neither could be wrought
nor would be kept betwixt them. For it is the pro-
perty of cold to congregate together things of differ-
ent kinds ; and if the winter of want, pinching them
all with poverty, could not freeze their affections
together, less likely was it that the warmth of
wealth in their native soil would conjoin them in
amity, but rather widen them further asunder, as
indeed it came to pass. For as the rivers of Danu-
bius and Savus, in Hungary, though running in the
same channel, yet for many miles keep different
streams visible in their party-coloured waters, which
do rather touch than unite ; yea, the fishes peculiar
to one stream are not found in another: so these
opposite parties, returning home, though concurring
in doctrine under the general notion of protestants,
were so reserved in several disciplines to themselves,
with their private favourites and followers, that they
wanted that comfortable communion which some
hoped and all wished would be amongst them. Till
at last they brake out into doleful and dangerous
• opposition, whereat all papists clap and protestants
wring their hands, which our fathers found begun,
ourselves see heightened, and know not whether
our children shall behold them pacified and appeased.
Alteration 4. But uow a parliament began at Westminster,
wiacted by whereiu the laws of king Henry the Eighth against
mentT'^^* the soo of Romo were renewed, and those of king
Edward the Sixth in favour of the protestants

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 263

revived, and the laws by queen Mary made against a. d. 1559.
them repealed. Uniformity of prayer and admini- ' ^"^' -
stration of sacraments was enacted, with a restitution
of first fruits, tenths, &c. to the crown ^. For all
which we remit the reader to the statutes at large.
It was also enacted, " That whatsoever jurisdictions,
** privileges, and spiritual pre-eminences had been
" heretofore in use by any ecclesiastical authority
" whatsoever, to visit ecclesiastical men, and correct
" all manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, and
" enormities, should be for ever annexed to the
imperial crown of England ; that the queen and her
successors might, by their letters patent, substitute
certain men to exercise that authority, howbeit
with proviso that they should define nothing to be
heresy but those things which were long before
** defined to be heresies, out of the sacred canonical
scriptures, or of the four oecumenical councils, or
other councils, by the true and proper sense of the
holy scriptures, or should thereafter be so defined
by authority of the parUament, with assent of the
clergy of England assembled in a synod. That
all and every ecclesiastical persons, magistrates,
receivers of pensions out of the exchequer, such
" as were to receive degrees in the universities,
** wards that were to sue their liveries and to be
** invested in their livings, and such as were to be
*^ admitted into the number of the queen's servants,
** &c. should be tied by oath to acknowledge the
** queen's majesty to be the only and supreme go-
" vemor of her kingdoms," (the title of supreme
head of the Church of England liked them not,)

^ [i Eliz, I. sq., and Burnet's Ref. II. 762.]

s 4

264 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1559. '' in all matters and causes, as well spiritual as tem-

— " poral, all foreign protestants and princes being

^* quite excluded from taking cognizance of causes
" within her dominions."
Papists' 5. But the papists found themselves much ag-

against the grioved at this ecclesiastical power, declared and
Jremacy"" Confirmed to be in the queen ; they complained that
the simplicity of poor people was abused, the queen
declining the title " head," and assuming the name
" governor of the church," which, though less offen-
sive, was more expressive. So, whilst their ears
were favoured in her waving the word, their souls
were deceived with the same sense under another
expression. They cavilled how king Henry the
Eighth was qualified for that place and power, being
a layman * ; king Edward double debarred for the
present, being a lay child ; queen Elizabeth totally
excluded for the future, being a lay woman. They
object also \ that the very writers of the Centuries,
though protestants \ condemn such headship of the
church in princes; and Calvin, more particularly,
shai'ply taxeth bishop Gardiner for allowing the same
privilege to king Henry the Eighth "".
The same 6. Yct nothing was granted the queen, or taken
fende/by hy her, but what in due belonged unto her, accord-
di^nef "* ^^S ^^ ^^^ most Icamed and moderate divines have
defended it ; for first they acknowledged that Christ
alone is the supreme sovereign of the church, per-
forming the duty of an head unto it, by giving it

^ Sanders de Schismate, p. between Hart and Rainoldes,

252. [For the arguments of p. 673, [ed. 1584.]

the Roman catholics^ see Dodd, ^ Magdeburg. Centur. in

III. 1 28.] Praefat. Cent. VII.

^ Sum of the Conference ^ Upon the 7th of Amos.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 265

power of life, feeling, and moving ° ; and Him hath a. D.issg.

I Eliz

God appointed to be head of the church ^^ and by —

Him all the body furnished and knit together, by
joints and bands increaseth with the increasiiig of
God^. This headship cannot stand on any mortal
shoulders, it being as incommunicable to a creature
as a creature is incapable to receive it. There is
also a peculiar supremacy of priests in ecclesiastical
matters ; to preach the vrord, minister the sacra-
ments, celebrate prayers, and practise the discipline
of the church, vrhich no prince can invade without
usurpation and the sin of sacrilege ; for incense itself
did stink in the nostrils of the God of heaven, and
provoked his anger % when offered by king Uzziah,
who had no calling thereunto ''. Besides these,
there is that power which Hezekiah exercised in
his dominions, commanding the Levites and priests
to do their duty^ and the people to serve the Lord.
And to this power of the prince it belongeth to
restore religion decayed, reform the church cor-
rupted, protect the same reformed. This was that
supremacy in causes and over persons, as well eccle-
siastical as civil, which was derived from God to
the queen, annexed to the crown, disused in the
days of her sister, (whose blind zeal surrendered it
to the pope,) not now first fixed in the crown by
this act of state, but by the same declared to the

"* Sum of the Conference Art. 53, where the meaning of

between Hart and Rainoldes, this supremacy is explained in

p. 38. an article written expressly

o Ephes. i. 22. for the information of *' sim-

P Col. ii. 19. *' pie men deceived by the

q 2 Chron. xxvi. 19. '* malicious." Wilkins* Cone.

' [See the Injunctions given IV. 188.]

by the queen's majesty, 1559,

266 The Church History boo]^ ix.

A. D. 1559. ignorant that knew it not, cleared to the scrupulous

that doubted of it, and asserted from the obstinate

that denied it.
How Dr. 7. As for Calvin, he " reproveth not " (reader, it

Rainoldefl * ^ ^

antweneth is Dr. Raiuoldes whom thou readest) " the title of
tioiMto^ " head, as the protestants granted it, but that sense
contrary. « thereof which popish prelates gave, (namely, Ste-
phen Grardiner,) who did urge it so as if they had
meant thereby that the king might do things in
religion according to his own will, and not see
them done according to God's will * ;" namely, that
he might forbid the clergy marriage, the laity the
cup in the Lord's Supper. And the truth is, that
Stephen Gardiner was shamelessly hyperbolical in
fixing that in the king which formerly, with as little
right, the pope had assumed. Whether he did it out
of mere flattery, as fiill of adulation as superstition,
equally free in sprinkling court and church holy
water, and as very a fa^sning spaniel under king
Henry the Eighth as afterwards he proved a cruel
bloodhound under queen Mary his daughter. Or
because this bishop, being in his heart disaffected
to the truth, of set purpose betrayed it in defending
it, suiting king Henry's vast body and mind with
as mighty, yea, monstrous a power in those his
odious instances, straining the king's authority too
high, on set purpose to break and to render it
openly obnoxious to just exception. The Centuriators
also, well understood, do allow and confess the ma-
gistrate's jurisdiction in ecclesiastical matters*, though
on good reason they be enemies to this usurpation

8 [Conference of Hart and t Idem ibid.
Rainoldes, p. 673.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

267

of unlawful power therein. But I digress, and therein a. d. 1559.

I Eliz.

transgress, seeing the large prosecution hereof belongs 1—

to divines.

9. But Sanders taketh a particular exception Sande™
against the regular passing of this act, Elizabeth falsehood.
shewing much queen-craft in procuring the votes
of the nobility ^ feeding the earl of Arundel ^ with
fond hopes that she would marry him, and promising
the duke of Norfolk ^ a dispensation from his wife,
which he could not with such expedition obtain
from the pope ; and yet, saith he, when all was
done, it was carried in the house of lords but by
three voices y. Here (not to mention how, in the
greatest councils, matters of most high concernment
have been determined with as few as three clear
decisive suffrages) this suggestion of Sanders is a
loud untruth ; for the act, having easily passed the
house of commons, found none of the temporal
nobility in the house of lords to oppose it ^, save
only the earl of Shrewsbury % and Anthony Brown,
viscount Mountague, who had formerly been em-
ployed to reconcile the kingdom of England to his
holiness ^. As for the bishops, there were but four-

^ De Schismate Aiiglicano^
p. 263. [Dodd III. 126.]

▼ [Henry Fitz-Alan.]

^ [Henry Thomas Howard.]

7 Idem, ib.

2 Camden's Elizabeth in this
year, p. 19. [Burnet's Ref. II.

771 •]

a [Francis Talbot.]

to [This Antony Brown, the

first viscount Mountague, was

a great favourite of queen

Mary, by whom he was ad-

vanoed to the title. He was

employed in 1553, together
with Thomas Thirlby, then
bishop of Ely, in reconciling
this realm to the pope ; and
although he opposed queen
Elizabeth in the matter of the
pope's supremacy, and was a
zealous Romanist^ he was so
highly esteemed for his pru-
dence and loyalty, as to be
sent the next year ambassador
into Spain. Neither did he
make an evil return for this
confidence of his sovereign^ ac-

268

The Church History

BOOK IX. I ^

A.D. I559- teen, and the abbot of Westminster^, then alive ; of

whom four being absent, (whether voluntarily or out

of sickness, uncertain,) the rest could not make any

cording to the honourable tes-
timony given of him in a tract
entitled "The Copy of a Letter
" sent out of England to Don
" Bern. Mendoza, &c." 1588,
the supposed production of
lord Burleigh : " The first that
^' shewed his bands to the
** queen [at the coming of the
*' Spanish armada] was that
** noble, virtuous^ honourable
•* man, the viscount Moun-
** tague, who, howsoever men
" do judge of him for opinion
** in religion, yet to tell you
** the truth he is reported
" always to have professed, as
** now also at this time he did
'* profess and protest solemnly
'* both to this queen and to all
•* her court, in open assemblies,
'* that he now came, though he
** was very sickly and in age,
'* with a full resolution to live
'* and die in defence of the
*' queen and of his country
•* against all invaders, whether
** it were pope, king, or po-
" tentate whatsoever ; and in
** that quarrel he would hazard
" his life, his children, his
*' lands, and goods. And to
** shew his mind agreeably
** thereto, he came personally
*' himself before the queen,
'* with his band of horsemen,
*' being almost two hundred ;
** the same being led by his
" own sons, and with them a
" young child, very comely
'' seated on horseback, being
" the heir of his house; that
** is, the eldest son to his son

'^ and heir ; a matter much
" noted of many whom I heard
" to commend the same : to
" see a grandfather, father, and
" son at one time on horse-
" back afore a queen for her
" service ; though in truth I
" was sorry to see our adver-
" saries so greatly pleased
" therewith. But I cannot
" conceal it from your lord-

'* ship*s knowledge, because I
'* think this nobleman is known
*' unto you, having been used
" as an ambassador to the king
** catholic many years past by
*' this queen, as I have heard,
** to require confirmation of
'' the treaties of amity betwixt
'• both their fathers." In So-
mers' Tracts, I. 443. This
nobleman died at Horsley, in
the county of Surrey, 19th
Oct. 1592, and was buried at
Coudray. See Camden's Ann.
pp. 12, 26, 51.

According to Watson, the
old lord used to say. That if
the pope himself should come
in with cross, key, and gospel
in his hand, he would be ready
with the first to run unto his
holiness, to cast himself down
at his feet, to offer his service
to him in all humbleness of
heart, and what not, to shew
himself a dutiful child ; but if,
instead of coming in solemn
procession, with cross, book,
prayers, and preaching, he
should come in a sounding,
royal march, with heralds of
arms, with banners of blood

CENT. XVI.

of* Britain.

269

considerable opposition ^. If any other artifice was a. d. 1559.

used in cunning contriving the business, the protest '—

ants were not aforehand, but just even with the
papists, who had used the same subtlety in their own
cause in the first parliament of queen Mary.

10. But now to remove into the convocation, The acts of

this ve&i'*s

which at this time was very small and silent ; for as convoca-
it is observed in nature, when one twin is of an***^*^'
unusual strength and bigness, the other his partner
bom with him is weak and dwindled away ; so here
this parliament, being very active in matters of
religion, the convocation (younger brother thereunto)
was little employed and less regarded. Only after
a mass of the Holy Ghost had been celebrated,
Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, (in the vacancy
of the archbishop of Canterbury, president of the
convocation,) began vdth a speech to this effect:
that although it had been an ancient and laudable
custom to begin such meetings of the clergy with a
liatin sermon, yet such now was not to be expected,
partly because the archbishop was dead, who was to
design the preacher, and partly because they had
received a mandate from the privy council that no

displayed^ trumpets, alarums,
pikes, harquebusses, and men-
at-arms, all marshalled in ranks
and set in battle array, then
would he be the first man in
the field, armed at all points,
to resist him in the face with
all his might and power. Quodl.
p. 176.]

c [J. Feckenham.]

d [The dissentients among
the prelates were JBonner, bi-
shop of London, John White,
bishop of Winton, Richard Pate^
bishop of Worcester, Anthony

Kitchin, bishop of Llandaff,
Ralph Bayne, bishop of Lich-
field and Coventry, James Tur-
berville, bishop of Exeter, Owen
Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle,
Cuthbert Scot, bishop of Ches-
ter, John Feckenham, abbot of
Westminster, and afterwards
Thirlby, bishop of Ely, on his
return to England. All of them
were deprived the same year.
But upon this subject the fullest
information will be found in
Strype's Annals, L 57, sq.]

270

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1559. such sermons should be made in that church till

11*1*

— 1— they were further informed by the queen and her

council ®. In the third session, on Friday, Nicholas
Harpsfield, doctor of Law ^ and archdeacon of Can-
terbury, was chosen referendary or prolocutor for
the clergy 8:, a place of some credit, but little pains
to discharge, seeing the only remarkable thing which
passed in this convocation was certain articles of
religion, which they tendered to the parliament ^
which here we both transcribe and translate ; re-
questing the reader not to begrudge his pains to
peruse them, considering they are the last in this
kind that ever were represented in England by a
legal corporation in defence of the popish religion.
And though error doth go out with a stink, yet it is
a perfume that it does go out. We are so far from
denying a grave to bury them, that we will erect
this monument over the ashes of these dead
errors ^

e Liber Svnod. Anno Dom.
1559, fol. 15, [in Corp. Christ.
Coll. Camb. See Strype's An-
nals, I. 55.]

f lb. fol. 6.

e Fol. 8.

^ To the bishops, that they
might present them to the par-
liament^ &c.

i Copied by me out of the
original. [Wilkins I V. 1 79. This
convocation began 24th Jan.
'559> when Dr. Henry Cole,
vicar-general of the dean and
chapter of Canterbury, present-
ed their commission to Bonner,
bishop of London, to Richard
Pate, bishop of Worcester, and
to Ralph Bayne, bishop of Lich-
field and Coventry, who acted

as moderators in the vacancy
of the see of Canterbury. In
the second session, Jan. 27th,
Bonner made the speech here
referred to. On Friday the 3rd
of February, which was their
third session, Henry Cole, dean
of St. Paul's, and John Harps-
field, archdeacon of London,
presented in behalf of the lower
house Nicholas Harpsfield for
their prolocutor, and the con-
vocation was adjourned to the
Friday following, Feb. loth;
in which, being the fourth ses-
sion, the bishop of London,
&c., on the request of the pro-
locutor, Thomas Reynolds, John
Harpsfield, and William Ched-
sey, advised the clergy to ad-

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

271

Rbverendi in Christo pa-
tres ac domini colendis-
simi. Quoniam fama pub-
lica referente ad nostram
nuper notitiam pervenit,
multa religionis Christians
dogmata publico et unanimi
gentium Christianarum con-
sensu hactenus recepta et
probata, ac ab apostolis ad
nos usque concorditer per
manus deducta, preesertim
articulos infra scriptos in
dubium vocari : Hinc est
quod nos Cantuariensis pro-
vincise inferior secundarius
derus in unum^ (Deo sic dis-
ponente ac serenissimee do-
minee nostree reginse, decani
et capituli Cant, mandato^
brevi parliamenti, ac moni-
tione ecdesiastica solita de-
darata id exigente^) conve-
nientes, partium nostrarum
esse existimavimus, turn
nostrse^ tum eorum, quorum
cura nobis committitur,
seteme saluti omnibus qui-
bus poterimus modis pro-
spicere. Quocirca majo-
rum nostrorum exemplis
commotio qui in similia saepe

" Revbrend Fathers in Christ, A. D. 1559.
*• and our honourable lords. '
Whereas by the report of
public fame it hath come unto
our knowledge that many doc-
" trines of the Christian religion
** hitherto received and approved
" by the unanimous consent of
" Christian nations, and with
" joint agreement^ as by hands
" deduced from the apostles unto
us^ (especially the articles un-
der-written,) are now called
into question : Hence it is that
" we, the inferior and secondary
" clergy of the province of Can-
** terbury, assembled in one body,
" (God so disposing it, and the
** command of our lady the
'^ queen's most excellent majesty,
together with the mandate of
the dean and chapter of Can-
terbury, the parliament writ,
" and all due and wonted eccle-
^^ siastical monition declared so
** requiring it,) conceived it to
" belong unto us to provide for
" the eternal salvation both of
" ourselves and such as are com-
" mitted to our charge, by all
'^ means possible for us to obtain.
" Wherefore, stirred up by the

dress the queen, that no impost
f ne quid oneris^ should be laid
upon them by the parliament
then sitting; and that they
should themselves advise about
a subsi^'^ It was then ad-
joamed io the 17th, thence to
the 35th ; on which the prolo-

cutor presented the articles
here printed, which were exhi-
bited to the bishops on the
28th of the same month, to
present to parliament. An
abstract of the proceedings of
this convocation will be found
in Strype's Annals, I. 55, sq.]

272

The Church History

BOOK II.

A.D. 1559. tempora inciderunt, lidem
' quam in articulis infra scrip-

tis, veram esse credimus, et
ex animo profitemur ad Dei
laudem, et honorem offi-
clique et amanim nostrae
cursR commissarum exone-
rationem prsesentibus dux-
imus publice asserendam,
afiiraiantes, et sicut Deus
nos in die judicii adjuvet,
asserentes;

Primo, quod in Sacra-
mento altaris virtuteChristi,
verbo et a sacerdote debite
prolato, assistentis, praesens
est realiter sub speciebus
panis et viui naturale corpus
Christi, conceptum de Vir-
gine Maria^ item naturalis
ejus sanguis.

Item^ quod post conse-
crationem^ non remanet
substantia panis et vini,
neque alia ulla substantia,
nisi substantia Dei et ho-
minis.

Item, quod in missa offer-
tur verum Christi Corpus,
et verus ejusdem sanguis,
sacrificium propitiatorium
pro vivis et defunctis.

Item, quod Petro apo-
stolo et ejus legitimis suc-
cessoribus in sede apostolica,
tanquam Christi vicariis,data
est suprema potestas pas-
cendi et regendi ecclesiam

««
<<
«
<<
<c
*t
<<
K
(t
• <
i(
((
<«

ft
«C
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<c

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tt
ti
(*

examples of our predeoesson,
who have lived in the like
times, that &ith which in the
Articles under-written we be-
lieve to be true, and from our
souls profess to the praise and
honour of God, and the dis-
cbarge of our duty, and such
souls as are committed unto
us, we thought in these pre-
sents publicly to assert* affirm-
ing and avowing, as Ood shall
help us in the last day of judg-
ment ;

** First, that in the sacrament
of the altar, by the virtue of
Christ's assisting, after the word
is duly pronounced by the priest^
the natural body of Christ con-
ceived of the Virgin Mary is
really present, under the species
of bread and wine, also his na-
tural blood.

" Item, that after the consecra-
tion there remains not the sub-
stance of bread and wine, nor
any other substance, save the
substance of Gk>d and man.

" Item, that the true body of
" Christ and his true blood is
*' offered a propitiatory sacrifice
'' for the quick and dead.

" Item, that the supreme power
" of feeding and governing the
" militant church of Christ, and
" of confirming their brethren, is
*' given to Peter the apostle, and
<< to his lawful successors in the

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

273

Ghristi militantem et fratres
8UOS confirmandi.

Item quod authoritas
tractandi et definiendi de
lis quae spectant ad fidem,
sacramenta et disciplinam
ecdesiasticam hactenus sem-
per spectavit et spectare
debet tantum ad pastores
ecclesisBj quos Spiritus
Sanctus ad hoc in ecclesia
Dei posuit et non ad laicos.

Quam nostram assertlo-
nem, affirmationem et fidem,
DOS inferior clerus prsedictus,
ob considerationes prsedictas
vestris patemitatibus tenore
presentimn exhibemus 5 hu-
militer supplicantes, ut quia
nobis non est copia banc
nostram sententiam et in-
tentionem aliter illis quorum
in bac parte interest notifi-
candi, vos, qui patres estis,
ista superioribus ordinibus
significare velitis : qua in re
officium cbaritatis ac pieta-
tis (ut arbitramur) prsesta-
bitis, et saluti gregis vestri
(ut par est) prospicietis^ et
vestras ipsi animas libera-
bitis.

€€
(<
«
<C
(C

€i

((
((

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<(
<(
<<
i<
(t
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((
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€t

see apostolic, as unto the vicars A. D. 1559.
of Christ. ' ^"''-

" Item, that the authority to
handle and define such things
which belong to faith, the sa-
craments, and discipline eccle-
siastical, hath hitherto ever
belonged, and only ought to
belong, unto the pastors of the
church, whom the Holy Spirit
hath placed in the church of
God, and not unto laymen.
*' Which our assertion^ affirma-
tion, and faith^ we, the lower
clergy aforesaid^ to represent
for the aforesaid considerations
unto your fatherhoods by the
tenor of these presents ; humbly
requesting that because we have
not liberty otherwise to notify
this our judgment and intention
to those which in this behalf
are concerned, you who are
fathers would be pleased to
signify the same to the lords
in parliament ; wherein, as we
conceive, you shall perform an
office of charity and piety, and
you shall provide (as it is meet)
for the safety of the flock com-
mitted to your charge, and shall
discharge your duty towards
your own souls."

This remonstrance, exhibited by the lower house
of convocation to the bishops, was, according to their
requests, presented by Edmund Bonner, bishop of
London, to the lord keeper of the broad seal of

FULLER, VOL. IV.

274

The Church HUtory

BOOK Vlll.

^' ^y**^' England in the parliament ^ ; and, as the said bishop

in the eighth session reported, he generously and

gratefully received it. But we find no further news
thereof, save that in the tenth session an account
was given in, by both universities, in an instrument
under the hand of a public notary, wherein they both
did concur to the truth of the aforesaid articles, the
last only excepted.
Thedispu- n. But WO may probably conceive that this de-
twixt the claration of the popish clergy hastened the disputa-
JJIJJ^nto tion appointed on the last of March, in the church
miMto^ ^^ Westminster, wherein these questions were de-
bated ^ :

i. Whether service and sacraments ought to be
celebrated in the vulgar tongue ?

ii. Whether the church hath not power to alter
ceremonies, so all be done to edification ?

iii. Whether the mass be a propitiatory sacrifice
for the living and the dead ?

Popish Disputants.

White, bishop of Winchester ™.

Watson, bishop of Lincoln.

Baine, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield.

Scot, bishop of Chester.

Dr. Cole, dean of Paul's-

Dr. Langdale, archdeacon of Lewes.

^ [Heath, archbishop of
York, who was deprived in
J 5 59, for non-compliance with
the measures of the Reforma-
tion. See Burnet, II. 760.
He was succeeded by the cele-
brated sir Nicholas Bacon.]

1 [Fox, Acts, III. 979, sq.

Burnet, Ref. II. 776. Strype's
Annals, I. 87, who corrects the
errors of Burnet's narrative.]

™ There is some difference
in the number and names of
both parties. Mr. Fox neither
agreeth with Mr. Camden nor
with himself.

CENT. XVI.

ofBritam.

276

Dr. Harpsfield, archdeacon of Canterbury.
Dr. Chedsey, archdeacon of Middlesex.

Moderators.

Nicholas Heath, bishop of York.

Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great

seaL

Protestant Disputants.

John Scory, late bishop Edwin Sands,

of Chichester. John Aylmer.

David Whitehead. Edmund Grindall.

Robert Home. John Jewel ".
Edmund Guest.

A. D. 1559.
I Eliz.

i^ {Besides the persons here
mentioned, Burnet adds to the
popish disputants Oglethorpe,
bishop of Carlisle, and to the
protestants Cox^ the same, I
suppose, who was afterwards
made bishop of Ely. Hist, of
Ref. II. 776. The same writer
has also printed in his Collec-
tions (II. iii. No. 5.) a decla-
ration of the proceedings of
this conference, which began
March 31, 1559, signed by the
privy council, and which is still
in the State Paper Office, and
also printed by Wilkins, IV.
191. From this document it
is evident that only eight per-
sons were appointed on each
side to conduct this conference,
and that Oglethorpe's name
should have been omitted by
Burnet^ and Cox's name sub-
stituted for that of Sands in
the text; as Strype has also
observed in his Annals, I. 87,
where a very full account of
this discussion will be found.
The popish bishops were cer-
tainly placed in some difficulty.

between appearing to desert
their cause, and submitting to
argue before a layman and
those whom thev considered
heretics ; but they acted incon-
sistently, to say the least, ut-
tering their minds on the first
day's conference, but refusing
to do so, and abide by the
orders agreed upon, on the
second, for which the bishops
of Winchester and Lincoln
were committed to the Tower.
They urged in their own de-
fence that they saw the multi-
tude was enraged and preju-
diced against them ; that the
lord keeper was their professed
enemy ; that the laity would
be made judges in ecclesiastical
matters ; and that this dispute
was undertaken, not to disco-
ver the truth, but afford a
colour for the charges which
were to be . introduced. Bur-
net, II. 783. It seemed but
just also that the protestants,
being opponents to the esta-
blished order, should have be-
gun the debate.]

T 2

276 Tlie Church HiHory book viii.

A.D. 1559. The passages of this disputation (whereof more
nm'fift than fruit, and wherein more passion than
reason, cavils than arguments) are largely reported
by Mr. Fox. It was ordered that each side should
tender their judgments in writing ®, to avoid verbal
extravagancies, as also in English, for the better
information of the nobility and gentry of the house
of parliament, their auditors, and that the papists
should begin first, and the protestants answer them.
But in the second day's disputation this order was
broken by the popish bishops, who, quitting their
primacy to the protestants, stood peremptorily upon
it, that they themselves would deliver their judg-
ments last ; alleging in their behalf the fashion of
the schools, that because they had the negative on
their side the others ought first to oppose; citing
also the custom of the courts at Westminster, where
the plaintiff pleadeth before the defendant, conceiv-
ing themselves in the nature and notion of the
latter, because maintaining those opinions whose
truth, time out of mind, was established. Chester,
more open than the rest, plainly confessed that if the
protestants had the last word, they would come off
cum applausu populi^ with applause of the people,
which themselves, it seems, most desired ; whereby
it appears what vrind they wished for, not what was
fittest to fan the truth, but what would blow them
most reputation. In this refusal to begin, Winches-
ter and Lincoln behaved themselves saucily and
scornfully, the rest stiflHy and resolutely ; only Feck-
enham, abbot of Westminster, (who, it seems, the
second day was added to the popish disputants,)

o [The motion to this effect was made by Heath, archbishop
of York. Strype, ib. 88.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 277

carried it with more meekness and moderation, a. d. 1559.

Hereupon the lord keeper cut off this conference, —

with this sharp conclusion : " Seeing, my lords, we
" cannot now hear you, you may perchance shortly
" hear more of us."

12. Yet need we not behold the frustration of The papists

oomplam of

this meeting as a private doom, peculiar to thispardai
conference alone, but as the general destiny of such '***^'
public colloquies, which, like sycamore trees, prove
barren, and which, the larger the leaves of the ex-
pectation, the less the fruits of success. The assem-
bly dissolved, it were hard to say which were louder,
the papists in complaining or the protestants in
triumphing. The former found themselves aggrieved
that they were surprised of a sudden, having but
two days' warning to provide themselves ; that
Bacon, the moderator, (though well skilled in mat-
ters of equity, ignorant in matters of divinity,) was
their zealous enemy, to whom the archbishop was
added only for a stale ; that to call such funda-
mental points of doctrine into question would cause
an unsettledness in religion, of dangerous conse-
quence both to single souls and to the church in
general ; that it was unlawful for them, ovring obe-
dience to the see apostolic, without leave of his
holiness first obtained, to discuss these truths long
since decided in the church.

13. The protestants, on the other side, sliffhted The pro-

• « 1 /% t* ' o testants

the papists plea of want of warning, seeing (besides triumph on
that both sides were warned at the same time) that ^L,
party sent a challenge, and gave the first defiance in
their late declaration; and now it was senseless in
them to complain that they were set upon unawares ;
that if the truths were so clear as they pretended,

T 3

X7S TTie Church Htstory book viii.

A.D. i559wand their learning so great as was reputed, little
— — !l— study in this case was required; that Bacon was
appointed moderator, not to decide the matters con-
troverted, but to regulate the manner of their dis-
putation, whereunto his known gravity and discre-
tion, without deep learning, did sufficiently enable
him ; that it was an old policy of the papists to
account every thing fundamental in religion which
they were loth should be removed; and that the
receiving of erroneous principles into the church,
without examination, had been the mother of much
ignorance and security therein, for the preventing
of the farther growth whereof no fitter means than
an unpartial reducing of all doctrines to the trial of
the scriptures ; that their declining the disputation
manifested the badness of their cause, seeing no
paymaster will refuse the touch or scales but such
as suspect their gold to be base or light ; that for-
merly papists had disputed those points when power
was on their side, so that they loved to have syllo-
gisms in their mouths when they had swords in their
hands.
Nine bi- ^4^ j^ rcmaineth now that we acquaint the reader

shops now * « -I

dwd. how the popish bishops were disposed of, vmo now
fell under a fourfold division :

1. Dead. iii. Deprived,

ii. Fled. iv. Continued.

There were nine of the first sort, who were of
the death-guard of queen Mary, as expiring ^ther
a little before her decease, viz.

John Capon, bishop of Salisbury, [Oct. 6,1537-]
Robert Parfew, bishop of Hereford, [Sept. 22,
1558.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

279

Maurice GriflSn, bishop of Rochester % [Nov. 20, a. d. 1559.

I £21iz«

1559]

William Glyn, bishop of Bangor, [May 21, 1558.]
(These were queen Mary her ushers to her grave.)

Or a little after her departure, as

Reginald Pole, bishop of Canterbury, [Nov. 17,

1558.]

John Hopton, bishop of Norwich, [circiter 1557.]
John Brokes, bishop of Gloucester, [Sept. 7, 1558.]
John Holyman, bishop of Bristol, [circiter 1558.]
Henry Morgan, bishop of St. David's ^ [Dec. 23,

1559.]

(These were queen Mary's trainbearers to the same.)

15. Three only made their flight beyond the seas, Three fled
namely, 1, Thomas Gold well, of St. Asaph, who ran seas.

to Rome, and there procured of the pope the renew-
ing of the indulgences, for a set time, to such as
superstitiously repaired to the well of St. Winifred ;
2, Cuthbert Scot, of Chester, who afterwards lived
and died at Louvain ; 3, Richard Pate, of Worces-
ter", whose escape was the rather connived at, be-
cause, being a moderate man, he refused to persecute
any protestant for his difference in religion.

16. Be it here remembered that the see of Wor- a iioteot

Worcester

»i QSee also Strype's An. I.

r [To this number may be
added John Christopherson,
bishop of Chichester, who died
about 1557. Strype's An. I.
32, 82.]

8 [See Wood's Ath. I. 707.
He was also present at the
council of Trept. Antony
Munday^ in his *' English -
" Roman Life," chap. IV.,

printed in 1581^ and reprinted
in the Harleian Miscellany,
which gives an account of the
author's travels to Rome> says
that Goldwell had the office
there of baptizing the convert-
ed Jews, — ** maketh all the
" English priests in the coU
** lege, and liveth there among
*' the Florentines very pontifi-
" caUy."]

T 4

S80

The Church Hutwy

BOOK Tin.

A.D. i559.cester had nine bishops success! velj, whereof

fo^r first, being ail Italians, none of them lived
there ; the fiTe last (Latimer, Bell, Heath, Hooper,
Pate) none of them died there, as either resigning
removed, or deprived, and all five were alive toge-
ther in the reign of queen Mary. As for Pate, we
find him thus subscribing the council of Trenti
" Richardus Patus Episcopw Wigomiensisy^ under-
writing only in his private and personal capadtj,
having otherwise no deputation as in any public
employment.

17. The third sort succeeds, of such who, on the
refusal of the oath of supremacy, were all deprived,
though not restrained alike. Bonner was imprisoned
in the Marshalsea, a gaol being conceived the safest
place to secure him from people's fiiry, every hand
itching to give a good squeeze to that sponge of
blood. AVliite and Watson *, bishops of Winchester
and Lincoln, died in durance, their liberty being
inconsistent with the queen's safety, whom they
threatened to excommunicate.

Apriwnto 18. As for bishops Tunstall and Thirlby, they

be envied. *■ j^ j

were committed to archbishop Parker ^. Here they

The rent
restrained.

* [Watson, after his short
confinement in the Tower, was
committed to the custody of
Grindal, bishop of Jjondon, and
afterwards to Cox, bishop of
Ely. Both he and White gave
offence by their opposition at
the popish disputation. See
Strype, Annals, 1. 90. Watson
died in the prison at Wisbech,
Sept. 27, 1584, and White in
Jan. T561.]

" [These two were not only
the most eminent, but likewise
the most liberal and generous

of the popish prelates. The
former had been harshly if not
unjustly treated in the time of
Edward VI. ; and through the
ambition of Northumberland,
who was desirous to be made
count palatine of Durham, com-
mitted to the Tower upon a
charge of misprision of treason,
(Strype's Cran. 414; Burnet,
Ref. III. 393 ;) yet so far was
he, in the succeeding reign,
from joining in the severities
exercised against the protest-
ants, that he even protected

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

£81

had sweet chambers, soft beds, warm fires, plentiful a.d. 1559.
and wholesome diet, (each bishop faring like an ' ^^^
archbishop, as fed at his table,) differing nothing
from their former living, save that that was on their
o^ni charges, and this on the cost of another^.
Indeed they had not their wonted attendance of
superfluous servants, nor needed it, seeing a long
train doth not warm but weary the wearer thereof.
They lived in free custody; and all things con-
sidered, custody did not so sour their freedom as
freedom did sweeten their custody.

19- The rest, though confined for a while, soon Some living
foimd the favour to live prisoners on their parole, own hmises.
having no other gaoler than their own promise.
Thus Poole of Peterborough, Turberville of Exeter,
&c. lived in their own or their friends' houses y.
The like liberty was allowed to Heath, archbishop
of York, who (like another Abiathar, sent home by
Solomon to his own fields in Anathoth ^) lived cheer-
fully at Cobham in Surrey, where the queen often
courteously visited him.

some from the punishments
which they would otherwise
have suffered but for his inter-
ference : among this number
was the celebrated Bernard
Oilpin, his nephew. Bishop
Garleton's Life of Gilpin^ 1 5, 40.
Having lived in a continued
intimacy with Cranmer (Bur-
net, II. 40 f ) and his successor,
Parker, who is said to have
prevailed upon him to modify
some of his religious opinions.
Strype's Park. I. 47. He died
Nov. 18, 1559. See Wood's
Ath. I. 303.]

* [This is not probable. At
all events, in the year 1563,

when they requested, on ac-
count of the plague, to be
removed from London, the
council wrote to the archbishop
to receive Thirlby and Boxal,
his former guests, and " to give
** them convenient lodging,
'* each of them one man al-
** lowed them, and to use them
" as was requisite for men of
'* their sort ; atid that they
*' should satisfy his lordship
"for the charges of their
" commons" See Strype's P.
141. Thirlby died Aug. 26,

1570-]
y [Strype's Park. 141-2.]

z I Kings ii. 26.

282

The Church UiHwy

BOOK Yin.

A. D. 1559. 20. Popish writers would peisuade people that

these bishops were cruelly used in their prisons,

tt^uLiy sliould their hyperbolical expressions be received as
complained ^\^q j^g^ measuro of truth. CarcerUms variisqtee cm-
todiis commissiy'-^longo mise^narum Uedio e^tindi
sunt, saith Sanders * ; Confessor obiit in vinculis, saith
Pitzeus, of Whitest "A great cry, and a little
*' pain." Many of our poor protestants, in the
Marian days, said less and suffered more. They
were not sent into a complimental custody, but
some of them thrust into the prison of a prison,
where the sim shined as much to them at midnight
as at noon-day ; whereas abbot Feckenham, of West-
minster, (who as a parliamentary baron may go in
equipage with the other bishops,) may be an instance
how well the papists were used after their depriva-
tion ; for he grew popular for his alms to the poor^
which speaks the queen's bounty to him, in enabling
him, a prisoner, to be bomitifiil to others ^.

a De Schism. Ang. p. 268.
^ [De Script, p. 764.]
c Camden*s Eliz. in hoc
anno.

d [A pamphlet entitled "The
*' Execution of Justice in Eng-
'* land, &c." (printed in 158 1,)
speaking of queen Elizabeth's
moderation to such of the pa-
pists as professed "loyaitie and
** obedience to her majestie^
" and offer readily in her ma-
*' jestie's defence to impugn
and resist any forreine force,
though it should come or be
procured from the pope him-
self," contains the follow-
ing remarks : it says, ** The
" first and chiefest [of these]
" by office was Dr. Heth,

'* that was archbishop of York
'* and lord chancellor of Eng-
" land in queen Mary's time,
'* who at the first coming of
** her majesty to the crown,
*' shewing himself a faithful
^^ and quiet subject^ continued
^* in both the said offices, though
" in religion then manifestly
'' differing ; and yet was he
** not restrained of his liberty,
" nor deprived of his proper
" lands and goods^but, leaving
^' willingly both his ofi^ces, lived
'^ in his own house very dis-
*• erectly, and enjoyed all his
" purchased lands during all
** his natural life, until by very
** age he departed this world.
'* [i 579]^^^ ^^^ l^ft his house

Q£NT. XVI.

of Britain,

283

21. Only one bishop conformed himself to the a. d. 1559.

queen's commands, and was continued in his place, ^^

viz. Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan of Llandaff e. continue^^
Camden calls him sedis szub calamitateniy the bane
of his bishopric, wasting the lands thereof by letting
long leases, as if it were given to binominous bishops
(such as had two names) to be the impairers of their
churches, as may appear by these four contempo-
raries in the reign of king Henry the Eighth :

«(

(«

^' and b'ving to his friends ; an
** example of gentleness never
" matched in queen Mary's
" time. The like did one D.
" Poole, that had been bishop
*' of Peterborough^ an ancient
grave person and a very quiet
subject. There were also
others that had been bishops,
'* and in great estimation ; as
" D. Tunstall, bishop of Dur-
" ham, a person of great repu-
" tation, and also whilst he
" lived of very quiet behaviour.
" There were also other, D.
•' White and D. Oglethorpe,
(one of Winchester, the other
of Carlisle,) bishops, persons
" of courteous natures, and he
" of Carlisle so inclined to
'* dutifulness to the queen's
" majesty, as he did the office
" at the consecration and coro-
'^ nation of her majesty in the
'* church of Westminster ; and
" D. Thirleby and D. Watson,
" yet living, (one of Ely, the
'* other of Lincoln,) . bishops,
'* the one of nature affable, the
other altogether sour, and
yet living; whereto may be
" added the bishop then of
'^ Exeter, Turberville, an ho-
nest gentleman, but a simple
bishop, who lived at his own
" liberty to the end of his life;

«<

i€

«<

** and some abbots, as M. Feck-
" enham, yet living, a person
'' also of quiet and courteous
** behaviour for a great time."^

'' And most of them

" and many other of their sort
" for a great time were retained
" in bishops' houses, in very
" civil ana courteous manner,
" without charge to themselves
*• or their friends, until the
'* time that the pope began by
*' his bulls and messages to
'* offer trouble to the realm by
" stirring of rebellion ; about
" which time only some of
" those aforenamed, being
*' found busier in matters of
'* state tending to stir troubles
" than was meet for the com-
** mon quiet of the realm, were
'* removed to other more pri-
** vate places." Printed in
Somers* Tracts, 1. 193. There
is no truth in the statement
that these divines were kept
free from their own charge.
From the very first the council
had no desire to shew them any
such lenity; for immediately
on the conclusion of the dispu-
tation mentioned above they
were condemned to pay very
heavy fines. Strype, ib. 59.
See also Strype's Park. 47.]
« [Strype's Park. 148.]

284 The Church History book viii.

A.D. 1559. John Capon, alias Salcot, spoiled Salisbury.
1— John Vesey, alias Harman, spoiled Exeter.

Robert Parfew, alias Warton, spoiled St. Asaph.

Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan, spoiled Llandaff '.

I know what is pleaded for them, that physicians,
in desperate consumptions, prescribe the shaving of
the head (which will grow again) to save the hfe;
and that these bishops, fearing the final alienation of
their lands, passed long leases for the prevention
thereof; though whether policy or covetousness
most shared in them herein, we will not determine.
Only I find a mediate successor of Kitchin's « (and
therefore concerned to be knowing therein) much
excusing him from this common defamation of
wronging his see, because many forged leases are
countenanced under the pretence of his passing the
same.
A list of 22. As for the numbers of recusants which forsook

persons de-
prived, the land at this time, the prime of them were Henry

[Parker,] lord Morley, sir Francis Inglefield, Thomas
Shelley, and John Gage, esqrs. As for the nuns of
Sion and other votaries wafted over, we have for-
merly treated of them in our History of Abbeys.
Nor were there moe than eighty rectors of churches,
fifty prebendaries, fifteen masters of colleges, twelve
archdeacons, twelve deans, with six abbots and ab-
besses, deprived at this time of their places through-
out all England **.
Matthew 23. Now the queen and her council accounted it

P&rkep de*

high time to supply the church of Canterbury, which

f [The account of the num- the statement given by Fuller,

ber of the deprived persons, as See Strype's Annals, I. 72.]
given in a MS, in the Cotton 8 Godwin in Presul. p. 612.
Library, varies a little from ^ [Strype s An. III. i. 408.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 285

hitherto had stood vacant a year and three weeks \ ^* H\,15S9-

•^ I Eliz.

with an archbishop. Dr. Matthew Parker is ap--: — ;

^ *■ signed

pointed for the place : bom in Norwich, bred in archbishop,
Cambridge, master of, benefactor to, Bennet college commenda-
there, chaplain to queen Anne Bollen, (a relation ^***^*
which, next his own merits, befriended him with
queen Elizabeth for such high and sudden advance-
ment,) then to king Henry the Eighth, dean of the
college of Stoke juxta Clare, a learned and religious
divine. He confuted that character which one gives
of antiquaries, " that generally they are either super-
stitious or supercilious," his skill in antiquity being
attended with soundness of doctrine and humility of
manners. His book called Antiquitaies Britannicce
hath indebted all posterity to his pen; which work our
great critic ^ cites as written by Mr. Joscelin, one
much employed in the making thereof. But we will
not set the memories of the patron and chaplain at
variance, who loved so well in their lives' time ; nor
needeth any writ of partition to be sued out betwixt
them about the authorship of this book, though
probably one brought the matter, the other com-
posure thereof.

24. The queen had formerly sent order to Dr. The queen

her letter

[Nicholas] Wotton, dean of Canterbury, (an exqui- for his con-
site civilian, and therefore one who may be presumed ®®^^°"'
critical in such performances,) and to the chapter
there, to choose Matthew Parker their archbishop * ;
which vrithin fourteen days after was by them ac-
cordingly performed ^. This done, she directeth
her letters patents, in manner and form following :

i Reckoninf]^ from Pole's 1 [Strype's Park. 52.]

death to Parker s consecration. ™ [It was expected by some

[Strype's Parker, 7-8.] that Dr. Wotton would have

^ SeldeQ of Tithes, p. 256. been chosen in place of Parker,

286

The Church Hiitory

BOOK VIII.

I EUz.

i€

A. D. 1559. '' Elizabetha Dei Gratia, &c." Reverendis In
" Christo Patribus, Antonio Landavensi Episcopo,
'* Will. Barlow, quondam Bath, et Well. Ep., nunc
" Cicestrensi electo, Job. Scory quondam Cicestrensi
Episcopo, nunc electo Hereford., Miloni Cover-
dalio, quondam Exoniensi Episcopo, Johanni sufi&a-
" ganeo Bedford. ®, Johanni suffraganeo Thetford.,
" Johanni Bale Ossorensi Episcopo.

'* Quatenus yos, aut ad minus quatuor vestrum,

" eundem Matthaeum Parkerum in archiepiscopum

** et pastorem ecclesise cathedralis, et metropoliticse

"Christi Cantuariensis prsediotse, sicut prsefertur,

" electum, electionemque prsedictam confirmare, et

" eundem magistrum Matthaeum Parkerum in archi-

" episcopum, et pastorem ecclesise praedictae conse-

crare, caeteraque omnia, et singula peragere, quae

vestro in hac parte incumbunt pastorali officio,

juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum,

" et provisorum, velitis cum efiFectu, &c. Dat. sexto

** Decembris, anno secundo Elizabethae p."

(Strype's Park. 35 ;) and Izaac
Walton, on the authority of
Holinsbed, affirms that the
archbishopric was offered to
Wotton, and refused. Life of
Sir H. Wotton, It is very
remarkable that in the cong^
d'^lire, directed to the dean
and chapter, no person was
nominated by the queen, but
they were permitted to proceed
to the election of whomsoever
they pleased.]

^ Registrum Parkeri, tom. i.
fol.3. [Wilkins, IV. 198.]

o [According to Strype, the
name is mis\^Titten Richard for
John. Park. 54. John Hodge-
skinne was undoubtedly suffra-
gan of Bedford, and is so men.

tioned in the consecration pa-
pers in Wilkins, IV. 199.]

P [The queen's warrant for
Parker's consecration was first
directed to Cuthbert Tunstall,
bishop of Durham, and is still
preserved among the ecclesias-
tical papers in the state paper
office, where I have seen it.
The letters here printed are
those which were issued after-
wards, when the first failed of
their desired effect. At the
time of the new archbishop's
appointment he held no eccle-
siastical preferment, for Stoke
had been dissolved and forfeited
to the king's use in i Ed. VI.
(see Strype's Park. 22 ; and in
the second year of queen Mary,

CENT. XVI.

qf Britain,

287

But the old bishop of Llandaff appeared not at a. d. 1559.
the consecration, terrified, say the papists, by Bon — ! — I^
ner^s threats, so as to absent himself, which others
do not believe ; for he that feared not the lion out
of the grate, would he be frighted with the lion
within the grate ? If Bonner, when at liberty, could
not deter him from taking the oath of supremacy,
improbable it is that when now detained prisoner in
the Tower he could dissuade him from his obedience
to his sovereign. More likely it is that his absence,
as also bishop Bale's and the suffiragans of Thetford,
was occasioned by their indisposition of body and
infirmity of old age.

25. But the other four bishops appeared, William ^^® ™*"-
Barlow, John Scory, Miles Coverdale, and John
Hodgeskin, by whom Matthew Parker was solemnly
consecrated in manner and form following % The
east part of the chapel of Lambeth was hung with
tapestry', the floor spread with red cloth; chairs
and cushions are conveniently placed for the pur-
pose; morning prayer being solemnly read by An-
drew Pierson, the archbishop's chaplain, bishop Scory
went up into the pulpit, and took for his text. The
elders which are among you I exhort^ who also am

like the rest of the married
clergy, Parker was deprived of
all spiritual preferment in the
church.]

4 [Fortunately an account
of the archbishop's consecra-
tion^ written in his own hand,
is preserved in the state paper
office,(Eccl. Pap. 1 5 59~i 565;)
it is entitled *'Ilituum atque
'^ ceremoniarum ordo in con-
** secrando R««o in Christo
" Patre Matthseo Parker Can-
" tuari^nsi Archiepiscopo, in

** Saccho suo apud manerium
^' suum de Lamheth : die do.
" minico xvii^. viz. die mensis
** Decern bris, a. d. 1559, ha-
'* bitus." Wilkins has pub-
lished the same account, but
from a different source. The
whole of this matter rests upon
so goo4 a basis, and has been
so clearly substantiated, that it
argues the height of absurdity
and ignorance to dispute it.]
r Regist. Parker, tom. i. fol.

288 The Church History book tiii.

A.D. 1559* an elder J and a witness of the sufferings of Christ\

&c. Sermon ended, and the sacrament administered,

they proceed to the consecration: the archbishop
had his rochet on, with Hereford, and the suffi-agan
of Bedford ; Chichester wore a silk cope, and Cover-
dale a plain cloth gown down to his ancles ^ All
things are done conformable to the book of ordina-
tion ; litany sung, the queen's patent for Parker's
consecration audibly read by Dr. Yale, he is pre-
sented, the oath of supremacy tendered to him, taken
by him, hands reverently imposed on him, and all
with prayers begun, continued, concluded. In a
word, though here was no theatrical pomp to make
it a popish pageant, — though no sandals, gloves,
ring, staff, oil, pall, &c. were used upon him, yet
there was ceremony enough to clothe his consecra-
tion with decency, though not to clog it with super-
stition.
Theieprai- 26. This his consecration is avowed most leffal,

ity of his °

consecra- both according to canon and common law. In the
latter it was ordered by king Henry the Eighth"
that an archbishop should not be consecrated but
by an archbishop and two bishops, or by four bishops,
in case an archbishop was wanting, as here it was
performed. Object not that one of these four was
but a suffragan, seeing such by the laws of the land*
(though not able to vote as barons in parliament)
had episcopal power to all purposes and intents.
Neither cavil that Coverdale henceforward led a

8 I Pet. V. I. lains. State Papers, ib. The

* [Chichester was assisted by " cloth gown" was the puritan's

Nicholas BuUingham, archdea- garb.]

con of Lincoln, and Edmond " Anno Regor. 25.

Guest, archdeacon of Canter- * 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 14.

bury, the archbishop's chap-

tion.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 289

private life, being always a bishop qtwad characterem, a. d. 1559.

and for the present quoad jus et tittdum, (Exeter,

his former bishopric, being actually void by the
deprivation of Turberville,) though refusing to be
so qtwad possessionem. As for the canonical part
of his consecration, six of the most eminent doctors
of that fiu5ulty England then afforded gave it under
their hands that the same was exactly observed.

27. Yet notwithstanding all circumstances soTheimpu.
flolemnly performed, some impudent papists haverN^r
raised a lie that Matthew Parker was consecrated^**^'
ad caput manni, at the Nag's Head, a tavern in
Gheapside y. Indeed they shew a place therein, just
against the bar, so anciently arched, that an active
fimcy (which can make any thing of any thing) may
make to itself a top or tester of a pulpit thereof,
though the like thereunto may be seen elsewhere in
the city. But that this lie of the Nag's Head was
bred in a knave's brains doth plainly appear; for
why should a rich man be a thief? Seeing all churches
in England were equally open unto them to pick and
choose at pleasure, why should they steal a clandes-
tine consecration in a place so justly obnoxious to
censure? Were not the Canaanites and Perizzites
then in the land ? Were not many prying papists
then mingled amongst protestants ? which consider-
ation alone would command them to be cautious in
their proceedings. Besides, that mock pulpit shewn

7 [The confirmation was per- some of those who had been

formed at Bow church, in present are supposed to have

Gheapside, Dec. 9, iSS9> ^i~ dined at the Nag's Head ta-

eholas Bullinghsm acting as vem, and thus probably gave

the archbishop's proxy. On occasion to this scandal. See

their return from the ceremony, below, p. 293.]

FULLER, VOL. IV. U

290

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1559. at this day at the entrance of that tavern was incon-
^ '^' sistent with the secresy, (which is said to be their
design,) who would rather have made choice of an
inner and more remote room for that purpose. But
when once one Jesuit had got this shameless lie of
the Nag's Head, I cannot say by the tail, but by the
ears, instantly Champneys, Fitz-Simon, Parsons, Kel-
lison, Constable, and all the whole kennel of them,
bawl it out in their books to all posterity.

?^n'(\he ^^' ^^^ ^'^^ authority the papists produce for
sole witness their Nag's Head consecration is ultimately resolved

thereof) . 1 . 1 . t* rm ^r ^

confuted, mto the suiglc testimony of one Thomas Neale,
chaplain to bishop Bonner, and sometimes Hebrew
professor in Oxford. But was this Neale known or
unknown to the bishops pretended in this tavern
assembly? If known, as most probable he was,
(Bonner 8 chaplains bearing their master's mark, the
indelible character of cruelty stamped upon them, as
the wolf is too well known to the sheep,) it is
utterly unlikely they would permit a person vowing
open opposition to their proceedings to be present
thereat. If Neale were unknown, the English
bishops (whom the papists, though they call heretics,
do not count fools) would not admit a stranger to
their privacies of such importance, seeing commonly
in such cases men's jealousies interpret every un-
known face to be a foe unto them *.

^ [This calumny was exa-
mined and refuted by Mason,
in his celebrated and learned
work, De Ministerio Anglicano,
in which he is said to have
been assisted by bishop Overal;
by bishop Bramhall, in his Vin-
dication of the Church of Eng-
land ; and by Thomas Browne,

of St. John's College, Cam.
bridge, in a book entitled "The
Story of the Ordination of
our first Bishops in Queen
" Elizabeth's Reign, at the
'* Nag's Head Tavern, in
*' Cheapside, &c." Lond.1731.
See also Strype's Life of Par-
ker, book II. ch. I.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

291

29. To the testimony of Neale one endeavours to a.d. 1559.

1 Eliz

twist the witness of John Stow to prove this Nag's — ; — 1-
Head consecration * ; a silent witness, who says no- witness pre-
thing herein, if either we consult his Chronicle of ^^^^ ^'^
our kings or his Survey of London ; he neither
fipeaks words, nor makes any signs thereof. But
(saith the Jesuit) Stow, though prudently omitting
to print it, told the same to some of his private
friends. I pray to whom, where, and when ? and

a Champneius, p. 501 . [The
following is the title of this
very rare book, which first
gave currency to the fable of
the Nag*s Head : '' Anthonii
'* Champnai, Anglic Sacra Ja-
*' cultatis Parisiensis Doctor is
" Sorbonici, de Vocatione Mi-
" nistrorum tractatus. Quo
*' universes cujusvis prcetensa
'* reformationis ministros omni
** penitus legUima vocatione
'* destitui contra Ptessaum et
*' Fieldeum. Quo etiam prce-
*' sentis Anglia Superintends
*' enteSy qui sedes Episcopates
" invaserunt, non esse veros
" Episcopos contra Masonum
'* et Godtvinum clare ostendi-
" tur. Unde tamen apud Re-
*' formistas nullam esse Eccle-
" siam, nultam Jidem, nuttum
'.* denique salutis medium mani-
^feste deducitur." Lutetiae
Paris. 161 8. It appears from
the author's preface that this
is his own Latin version of his
English book^ which he had
written against Mason the
previous year, which edition I
have never seen.

With reference to this fable
of the Nag's Head, Champneys
states that he heard it from a

third person, who heard it from
Neale. But if there were any
truth in this statement, how
comes it that it was never
alluded to in the writings of
Harpsfield, Sanders, cardinal
Allen, father Parsons, and
other writers of the period?
especially since, according to
Champneys, all the priests
confined in Wisbeach castle
(that is to say, about thirty
most influential persons among
the Roman catholics, most of
them the especial friends of
cardinal Allen and father Par-
sons) were privy to the cir-
cumstance. Champneys, ib.
49 1 . The tale carries with it
its own refutation. But when,
in addition to this, it is fur-
ther considered that a formal
and contemporary document
of archbishop Parker's con-
secration exists in Lambeth
palace, and a contemporary
copy of the same is still pre-
served in the State Paper Office,
the matter is placed beyond all
doubt, and stamps the validity
of archbishop Parker's conse-
cration with as decisive and
clear an evidence as any fact
which hivStory can produce.]

U 2

9&Z The Church History book ix.

A.D. 1 559. what credible witnesses do attest it? Be it referred
— ! — !L-to the ingenuity of our very adv^mries whether
their bare surmises, without any prooi^ be to be
believed before the public records, &ithfalLy taken
when the thing was done, carefully preserved ever
since, entirely extant at this day, and truly tran*
scribed here by us. Besides, Charles Howard, eari
of Nottingham, not more famous for the coronet of
a count than the crown of old age, alive in the
latter end of the reign of king James, being re-
quested of a friend whether he could remember
Matthew Parker's consecration, gave an exact ac-
count of the same solenmly performed in Lambeth
chapel, being himself an eyewitness thereof, and an
invited guest to the great feast kept there that day;
therefore the more observant of all particular pas-
sages thereat, because the said archbishop was related
to him as a kinsman. Let such as desire further
satisfaction herein consult learned Mason ^, (whom
king James justly termed a wise builder in God's
house,) who hath left no stones imtumed to clear
the truth, and stop the mouth of malicious adver-
saries. Let the papists therefore not be so busy to
cast dirt on our bishops, but first fall on washing
the face of their own pope, even John the Twelfth,
whom an excellent author reporteth to have ordained
a deacon in a stable, for which two cardinals reproved
him ^ ; and let these three stories be told together :
that the empress Helen was the daughter of an
hostler, that archbishop Cranmer himself was an
hostler, and that our first bishops in queen Eliza-

^ De Minist. Anglic. III. 8^ c Luitprandus [de rebus per
9> &c. Europam gestis, VI. 7.]

CENT. XTt. of Britain. 393

beth*s days were consecrated in the Nag's Head. I a. d. 1559.

say let these three be told together, because wise 1-

and good men will believe them together, as all
coming forth of the forge of falsehood and malice.

30. Now, though we are not to gratify our adver- Sees sup-
saries with any advantages against us, yet so con- protestont
fident is our innocence herein, that it may acquaint ^^^'^
the world with that small foundation on which this
whole report was bottomed: every archbishop or
bishop presents himself in Bow church, accompanied
thither with civilians, where any shall be heard who

can make any legal exceptions against his election.
A dinner was provided for them at the Nag's Head
in Cheapside ^, as convenient for the vicinity thereof;
and from this spark hath all this fire been kindled,
to admonish posterity not only to do no evil, but
also in this captious age to refrain from all appear-
ance thereof.

31. Parker, thus solemnly consecrated, proceeded,
with the assistance of the aforesaid bishops, to the
consecration of other grave divines; and not, as
Sanders lewdly lies, that these new-elected bishops,
out of good fellowship, mutually consecrated one
another ; some whereof were put into bishoprics void
by the natural death, as Salisbury, Rochester, Glou-
cester, Bristol, Bangor ; or by the voluntary deser-
tion, as Worcester and St. Asaph ; or by the legal
deprivation of the former bishops, as all other sees
in England. Suffice it at this time to present a
perfect catalogue of their names, sees, with the dates
of their consecrations, referring their commendable

^ This the lord chancellor Egerton afl&rmed to bishop Wil-
liams.

U 3

294 The Church. History book ix.

•^•^.^V'^^^* characters to be set down when we come to their

2 hliz.

respective deaths :

Province of Canterbury,

1 . Edmund Grindal, consecrated, London . . . Dec. 2 1 , 1559.

2. Richard Cox, Ely 060.21,1559.

3. Edwin Sands, Worcester Dec.21,1559.

4. Rowland Merick, Bangor ... Dec.2f,i559.

5. Nicholas Bullingham, Lincoln... Jan. 21,1560.

6. John Jewell, Salisbury Jan. 21,1 560.

7. Thomas Young, St. David''s Jan. 21,1560.

S.Richard Davies, St. Asaph Jan. 21, 1560.

9. Thomas Bentham, Cov.& Lich. Mar.24, 1560.

10. Gilbert Barclay, Bath&W. Mar.24,1560.

1 1 . Edmund Guest, Rochester Mar.24, 1560.

1 2. William Alley, Exeter . . . July 14, 1560.

13. John Parkhurst Norwich... Sept. 1,1560.

1 4. Robeii; Home Winchest. Feb. 1 6, 1561 .

15. Edmund Scambler Peterboro' Feb. 16,1561.

1 6. Richard Oheyney Gloucester Apr. 1 9, 1562.

Province of York,

1 . Thomas Young, translated from St. Da-

vid's to York Feb. 20,1561.

2. James Pilkington, consecrated, Durham.. Mar. 2,1561.

3. John Best, Carlisle... Mar. 2,1561.

4. George Downham, Chester... May 4,1561.

The other bishoprics were thus disposed of: Ri-
chard Cheyney held Bristol in commendam with
Gloucester ; Barlow and Scory, bishops in king Ed-
ward's days, were translated, the one to Chichester,
the other to Hereford ; as for the bishopric of Ox-
ford, as it was void at this time, so it continued for
some years after.

reLSe ^^' ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ f^^S®^ ^^^ *^® bishopric of
bishopric of Carlisle was first proffered to Bernard Gilpin, that

Vy'&I'llSiC

CENT. XVI. of Bnlain. 9Q5

patriarchal divine, rector of Houghton in the north, a. d. 1559.

2 £liz.

as may appear by the ensuing letter of Edwin Sandys, '-^

bishop of Worcester, wrote unto him ® :

My much and worthily respected cousin, having
regard unto the good of the church of Christ,
" rather than to your ease, I have by all the good
** means I could been careful to have this charge
imposed upon you, which may be both an honour
to yourself and a benefit to the church of Christ.
My true report concerning you hath so prevailed
** with the queen's majesty, that she hath nominated
you bishop of Carlisle.

I am not ignorant that your inclination rather
delighteth in the peaceable tranquillity of a private
life. But if you look upon the estate of the
church of England with a respective eye, you can-
" not with a good conscience refuse this charge im-
posed upon you ; so much the less because it is in
such a place as wherein no man is found fitter
than yourself to deserve well of the church. In
which respect I charge you before God, and as you
shall answer to God herein, that, setting all excuses
" aside, you refuse not to assist your country, and to
" do service to the church of God to the uttermost
of your power. In the mean while I give you to
understand that the said bishopric is to be left
" untouched, neither shall any thing of it be dimi-
" nished, (as in some others it is a custom,) but you
** shall receive the bishopric entire, as Dr. Oglethorp
" hath left it.

" Wherefore, exhorting and charging you to be

• Found amongst JMr. Gilpin's papers, after his death.

U 4

t€

296 The ChMitch History book ix.

A. D. 1559- ^' obedient to God*s call herein, and not to neglect
— " the duty of our own calling, I commesi^d both

" yourself and the whole business to " the Divine

" Providence.

^^ Your kinsman and brother,

[4 April, 1560.] *' Edwin Worcester."

But Mr. Gilpin desired to be excused, continuing

unmovable in his resolution of refusal ^ ; not that he

had any disaffection to the office, as some do believe

themselves, and would willingly persuade others, but

because, as he privately confessed to his friends fl^,

he had so much kindred about Carlisle, at whom he

must either connive in many things, not without hurt

to himself, or else deny them, not vdthout offence to

them: to avoid which difficulties, he refused the

bishopric. It was afterward bestowed (as in our

catalogue) on Dr. John Best, a grave and learned

divine ; but whether on the same terms, without

any diminution to the church, my author knew

not^, leaving us under a shrewd suspicion of the

negative.

Why Bar. 33. If any demand of me why Barlow, formerly

scory were bishop of Bath and Wells, and Scory, bishop of

Stored to Chichestor, were not rather restored to their own

S^'b^'op- 1^8^ translated to other bishoprics \ as certainly I

y^^j^- do not know, so willingly I will not guess at the

cause thereof, though I have leisure to listen to the

' [Strype thinks that Gilpin pin's Life» p. 80. [Reprinted in

refused this bishopric on ac- (Bates') Vitse Seleetie, p. 282.]

count of the great number of h Idem, p. 81.

papists in the see, and the ig- i [They were confirmed in

norance and ill-will of the pre- their new bishoprics Dec. 20,

bends. Grind, p. 85.] i559> ^^ ^^' Thomas's eye.

S Bishop Carleton in Gil- Strype's Park. 65.]

r. xvu of Britain. 897

lectures of others herein. Some impute it to a. d. 1559.

r own desires, (preferring fair paper before what '—

soiled with their ill success,) rather to begin on
3W account than to renew their reckoning with
le bishoprics where they had been interrupted
1 persecution; others ascribe it to the queen,
nn shewing her absolute power of disposition and
iq>osition of all prelates ; at her pleasure crossing
hands, and translating Scory from Chichester to
•eford, Barlow from Bath and Wells to Chiches-
A third sort resolve it on a point of the queen's
;ality, (a virtue needful in a princess coming to
rown in her condition,) to get new first fruits
iheir new translations, which otherwise would not
rue by their restitutions. Sure I am none of
30 conjecturers were either of the bedchamber
souncil-board to the queen, acquainted with her
^ntions herein ^.

[For Barlow's translation " after lead, (I would they had

Chichester, sir John Har- '^ drunk it scalding,) that they

ton has given another and ^' took the dead bodies of bi-

ry plausible reason. Speak- " shops out of their leaden

of the dilapidations in the '^ coffins, and cast abroad the

3f Bath and Wells during *' carcases, scarce thoroughly

reign of Edward VI.^ he *^ putrified. The statues of

rves : '* Scarce were five " brass, and all the ancient

»rs passed after Bath's '* monuments of kings^ bene-

ins, but as fiast went the ** factors to that goodly cathe-

[68 and hammers to work *' dral church, went all the

Wells. The goodly hall, '^ same way, sold (as my author

•vered with lead, (because " writes) to an alderman of

le roof might seem too low " London. — ^These things were,

r so large a room,) was '* I will not say done, I will say

[icovered, and now this roof " atleastsuffered,bythisbi8hop.

•aches to the sky. The cha. *^ — But some will say to me,

3I of our lady, late repaired " why did he (Barlow) not sue

f Stillington, a place of "to be restored to this bishop-

*eat reverence and anti- ^* ric at his return, finding it

lity, was likewise defaced ;« "vacant, but rather accepted

id such was their thirst " of Chichester } I have asked

298

The Church History

BOOK IX.

ter.

A. D. 1559. 34. As for Miles Coverdale, formerly bishop of

^ Exeter, he never returned to his see, but remained

verd'aie re- a prfvato minister to the day of his death. Indeed
hiTi^siwp- 1^ ^^^8 true of him, what is said of others. He was
ric of Exe- ^^ ^ firebrand plucked out of the burning ^ ; being
designed to death by queen Mary, had not the
seasonable and importunate intercession of Frede-
rick king of Denmark redeemed him ; and, although
his dissenting in judgment from some ceremonies
in our discipline is generally alleged as the cause of
his not returning to his bishopric, yet more probable
it is it was caused by his impotency, as may appear
by his epitaph, which here we have thought fit to
insert, as T took it from the brass inscription of his
marble stone, under the communion-table in the
chancel of St. Bartholomew's, behind the Ex-
change '" :

<i
((
<(
(f
(<
(f

€<
((
<(
((
((
ft
((
((
i«
((
<(
<(
it
t<
ft
if

this qiu»stion, and I have re-
ceived this answer: — There
remain yet in the body of
Wells Church, about thirty
feet high, two eminent images
of stone, set there, as is
thought, by bishop Burnell,
that built the great hall there
in the reign of Edward I.,
but most certainly long be-
fore the reign of Henry VIII.
One of these images is of a
king crowned ; the other is
of a bishop mitred : this king
in all proportions resembling
Henry VIII. ; holdeth in his
hand a child falling. The
bishop hath a woman and
children about him. Now
the old men of Wells had a
tradition, that when there
should be such a king and
such a bishop, then the church

' should be in danger of ruin.
' This falling child they said

* was king Edward ; the fruit-
' ful bishop they affirmed was

* Dr. Barton, the first married
' bishop of Wells, and perhaps
' of England. [He also had a
' large family.] This talk be-
' ing rife in Wells in queen
' Mary's time, made him rather
' affect Chichester at his re-
' turn than Wells, where not

* only the things that were
' ruined, but those that re-

* mained, served for records
' and remembrances of his sa-

* crilege." Harrington's Nugse
Antiq. II. 146.]

1 Amos iv. II.

m [Upon receiving this pre-
ferment, and requesting, upon
plea of his inability, to have the
first fruits, which amounted to

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

299

A.D. 1559.
2 Eliz.

Hie tcmdem reqaiemque ferem^finemque labomm,

Ossa Coverdalis Tfnortua twmhus habet.

Ex(mi(£ quiprcBStd erat dignimmm oUm,

Insignis vitce mr prohitate 8uce.
Octoginta armo8 grandcRmis vixit et tmum^

Indigmim potssm scepivs exilium.
Sic demttm variis jcictdtum cdsihus, ista

Excepit gremm terra bmigna stto.

Obiit 1568, Jan. 20.

Now if Coverdale, anno 1568, was fourscore and
one year of age, then at this very time when he
consecrated Parker was he seventy-two years old,
passing with Jesse for an old man ^ ; yea, he had
passed the age of man **, and therefore henceforward,
finding himself fitter for devotion than action, re-
fused the resumption of his bishopric.

35. So much for the bishops. As for the inferior Mean mi.

nisters in

upwards of 60/., released by the
queen, he added, ** that if poor
'* old Miles might be thus pro-
" videdfor,he should think this
" enough to be as good as a
*' feast." So that it would seem
from this that he Iiad no wish
for a bishopric ; although with-
out doubt he was neglected by
the queen, as may be seen by the
remarks of Grindal, who ear-
nestly recommended him to the
see of Llandaff, void about this
time. See Strype's Gr. ib. I
find his name however, among
others, in a list preserved in
the State Paper Office of such
of the clergy as were appa-
rently intended for promotion.
** Eccl. Papers, 1559 — 1565."
But he never obtained prefer-
ment of any value, either on

account of his not altogether
conforming to the Church of
England, or from his age and
infirmities. Besides which he
was married, and that was by
no means favourable to his pro-
motion in Elizabeth's reign.
See Burnet's Ref. Ill.ii. 537,
539. In 1564, he was collated
by Grindal, bishop of London,
to the church of St. Magnus, at
the foot of London Bridge,
(where his bones now rest, since
the late desecration of St. Bar-
tholomew's) ; and by his influ-
ence with archbishop Parker,
the payment of the first fruits
was remitted. See Strype's
Park. 148. Grind. 91.]

n I Sam. xxvi. 12.

o Psalm xc.

800 The Church History book ix.

^•^•J559- clergy under them, the best that could be gotten

— — were placed in pastoral charges. Alas ! tolerabilitj

appem by was eminencj in that age : a rush candle seemed a
nour*! MT- torch, whero no brighter light was ever seen before.
"^' Surely preaching now ran very low, if it be true
what I read, that Mr. Tavemour p, of Water-Eaton
in Oxfordshire, high-sheriff of the county, came in
pure charity, not ostentation, and gave the scholars
a sermon in St. Mary's, with his gold chain about
his neck and his sword by his side, beginning witii
these words ^ :

" Arriving at the mount of St. Mary's, in the

'^ stony stage where I now stand ', I have brought

you some fine biscuits, baked in the oven of cha^

rity, and carefully conserved for the chickens of

the church, the sparrows of the Spirit^ and the

" sweet swallows of salvation."

If England in our memory hath been sensible of
a perfective alteration in her churches, if since she
hath seen more learning in the people's pews than
was then generally in the reader's desk, yea, preach-
er's pulpit, let God be more glorified in it, men more
edified by it ; seeing of late the universities have
afforded more vine-dressers than the country could
yield them vineyards. Yea, let us be jealous over
ourselves with a godly jealousy, lest our ingratitude
make us to relapse into the like ignorance and bar-
barism ; for want of bread was not so much the

P [I find a license to preach Rebel,

granted to Richard Tavernour^ ^ [The stone pulpits used in

1 55 1. Strype's Mem. II. 530.] those days. Some pulpits of

4 In the preface to sir John this kind still remain in the

Cheke's True Subject to the university.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

301

snflfering of those days, as fulness thereof hath lately a. d. 1559.
been the sin of ours. ^ .

86. Great abuses beinff offered to the monuments ^ v^y^^

" mation

of the dead, the queen thought fitting seasonably to against de-
retrench the increase of such impieties ; and although moouments
(her proclamation being printed) the printing of her"^
name thereunto had been of as much validity in
itself, and of far more ease to her majesty, yet, to
manifest her princely zeal therein, she severally
signed each copy (and those numerous, to be dis-
persed throughout all her dominions) with her own
hand ; and seeing she begrudged not her pains to
superscribe her name, I shall not think much of
mine to transcribe the whole proclamation.

« Elizabeth \

** The queen's majesty understanding that by the
means of sundry people, partly ignorant, partly
^ malitious or covetous, there hath been of late yeers
spoiled and broken certain ancient monuments,
some of metall, some of stone, which were erected
up as well in churches as in other publike places
^ within this realme, only to shew a memory to the
•* posterity of the persons there buried, or that had
** been bene&ctours to the buildings or dotations of
*' the same churches or publique places, and not to
*' nourish any kinde of superstition ; by which means

€t

€6

8 [Entitled '< A Proclamation
'' agaynst breakyng or de&cing
** of Monumentes of antiquitie,
'^ being set up in churches or
** other publique places for me-
'* mory, and not for supersti-
*' tion."] This proclamation

was printed at London, in Paul's
Churchyard^ by Richard Jugg
and John Cawood» printers to
the queen. [The copy here
printed was collated with an
original preserved in the State
Paper Oiiice.]

302 The Church HUtory book ix.

A. D. 1559* '^ not only the churches and places remain at this

" present day spoiled, broken, and ruinated, to the

offence of all noble and gentle hearts, and the
extinguishing of the honourable and good memory
of sundry vertuous and noble persons deceased,
" but also the true understanding of divers families
" in this realm (who have descended of the blood of
" the same persons deceased) is thereby so darkened,
as the true course of their inheritance may be
hereafter interrupted, contrary to justice, besides
" many other offences that hereof do ensue, to the
" slander of such as either gave or had charge, in
'' times past, only to deface monuments of idolatry,
" and false fained images in churches and abbeys.
'' And therefore, although it be very hard to recover
" things broken and spoiled, yet, both to provide
" that no such barbarous disorder be hereafter used,
" and to repaire as much of the said monuments as
" conveniently may be, her majesty chargeth and
" commandeth all manner of persons hereafter to for-
" bear the breaking or defacing of any parcell of any
" monument, or tombe, or grave, or other inscrip-
tion, and memory of any person deceased, being in
any manner of place ; or to break any image of
kings, princes or noble estates, of this realme, or
" of any other that have been in times past erected
'' and set up, for the only memory of them to their
" posterity in common churches, and not for any
" religious honour ; or to break down or deface
" any image in glass windows in any church,
" without consent of the ordinarie, upon pain that
" whosoever shall herein be found to offend, to be
" committed to the next goale, and there to remain

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 803

*** without baile or mainprise, unto the next coming a. d. 1559.

** of the justices for the delivery of the said goale ; '—

and then to be farther punished by fine or impri-
sonment, (besides the restitution or reedification
of the thing broken,) as to the said justices shall
seem meet, using therein the advice of the ordi-
nary, and, if need shall be, the advice also of
her majesties councell in her starrchamber.
" And for such as be already spoiled in any
church or chappell now standing, her majesty
chargeth and commandeth all archbishops, bishops,
" and other ordinaries or ecclesiastical persons, which
have authority to visit the same churches or chap-
pels, to enquire by presentments of the curates,
•* churchwardens, and certain of the parishioners, what
manner of spoiles have been made sithence the
beginning of her majesties raigne, of such monu-
ments, and by whom ; and if the persons be living,
how able they be to repair and reedifie the same ;
and thereupon to convent the same persons, and
to enjoyn them, under pain of excommunication,
to repair the same by a convenient day, or other-
wise, as the cause shall farther require, to notifie
•^ the same to her majesties councell in the starr-
*^ chamber at Westminster. And if any such shall be
** found and convicted thereof, not able to repair
" the same, that then they be enjoyned to do open
pennance two or three times in the church, as to
the quality of the crime and party belongeth,
" under like pain of excommunication. And if the
party that offended be dead, and the executours
of the will left, having suflficient in their hands
^^ unadministred, and the offence notorious, the ordi-

. (C

«(

.«

804 The Church Huiary boox ix.

A. D. 1559. " narie of the place shall also enjoyn them to repair
' " or reedifie the same, upon like or any other con-

^' venient pain, to he devised hy the said ordinarie.
'' And when the offender cannot he presented, if it
^' be in any cathedral or collegiate church, which
'* hath any revenue belonging to it, that is not pai-
** ticularly allotted to the sustentation of any peiv
" son certain or otherwise, but that it may remain
'' in the discretion of the govemour thereof to he-
stow the same upon any other charitable deed, as
mending of highwayes or such like, her migesty
*' enjoyneth and straitly chargeth the govemours and
*' companies of every such church to employ such
*^ parcels of the said sums of mony (as anywise
** may be spared) upon the speedy repaire or re-
^' edification of any such monuments so defaced or
*' spoiled, as agreeable to the original, as the same
conveniently may be.

^^ And where the covetousness of certain persons
is such, that as patrons of churches, or owners of
'^ the personages impropriated, or by some other
" colour or pretence, they do perswade vnth the
'^ person and parishioners to take or throw dovm the
'^ bells of churches and chappels, and the lead of
*' the same, converting the same to their private
^^ gain, and to the spoile of the said places, and
*' make such like alterations, as thereby they seek
^^ a slanderous desolation of the places of prayer,
" her miyesty (to whom, in the right of the crown
" by the ordinance of Almighty God, and by the
'* laws of this realme, the defence and protection of
'^ the church of this realme belongeth) doth ex-
" pressly forbid any manner of person to take away

€€
€€

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 306

** any bells or lead of any church or chappel, [now a. 0.1559.
used, or that ought to be used, with publique and ^
divine service, or otherwyse deface any suche
** churche or chappell,] under pain of imprisonment
** during her majesties pleasure, and such farther fine
** for the contempt as shall be thought meet.

" And her majesty chargeth all bishops and ordi-
naries to enquire of all such contempts done from
the beginning of her majesties raigne, and to
enjoyn the persons offending to repair the same
" within a convenient time ; and of their doings in
" this behalf to certifie her majesties privie-counccll,
" or the councell in the starr-chamber at Westmin-
*^ ster, that order may be taken herein.

" Given at Windsor, the 19th of September, the
« second year of her majesties raign."

Her princely care took this desired effect, that it
stopped the main stream of sacrilege herein, though
some by-rivulets thereof ran still in private churches,
in defiance of all orders provided to the contrary.

37. May the reader take notice, that hencefor- The death
ward (God willing) we will set down at the end ofterofw-
every year the deaths of such eminent divines who * ®^ ®'
deceased therein, though we find no funerals of any
prime protestant in the two first years of the queen's
reign. Her coming to the crown inspirited the
weakest and oldest with vigorousness and vivacity
for a time ; and Divine Providence preserved them
jfrom blasting who were but newly replanted in their
places. Only we conjecture that John Bale, bishop
of Ossory, died about this time, we finding no future
mention of his activity, which, if alive, could not
conceal itself. Pity it is we cannot give the exact

FULLER, VOL. IV. X

306 The Church History book ix.

AD. 1559. date of his death, who was so accurate in noting

3 £liz.

the deceases of others * ; for this John Bale was be

who, besides many other books, enlarged Leland,
and continued the Lives of the English Writers.
Bom at Covehithe, near Dunwich, in Suffolk, bred
in Cambridge, afterwards a Carmelite in Norwich,
and ignorantly zealous in their superstitions, he was
first converted to the knowledge of the gospel (as
himself confesseth ^) by the care of that worthy lord,
Thomas lord Wentworth, of Nettlested in Suffolk ;
whereupon, to use his own expression, he was trans-
ported from his barren mount Carmel to the fair and
fruitful vale of the gospel.
The perse- 38. Presently comes persecution. For his preach-
whioh in iug of the gospel he is dragged from the pulpit to
»^ered.* the consistory, before Lee, archbishop of York; and
for the same cause was afterwards convented before
Stokesley, bishop of London ; but the lord Cromwell
(much affected with the facetiousness of such come-
dies as he had presented unto him) rescued him
fi-om their paws by his power. After eight years
exile in Germany, he was recalled by king Edward,
and made bishop of Ossory in Ireland, where he
remained but a short timefi^; for after the king's
death he hardly escaped with his own life, (some of
his servants being slain,) cast by tempest into Corn-
wall, taken by pirates, dearly redeemed, with much
difficulty he recovered London, with more danger
got over into Germany; whence returning, in the

c [He died in Nov. 1563, » [He did not return to his

according to Strype. Park, bishopric, but contented him.

143."! self with a prebend of Canter-

^ De Scriptor. Britan. VIII. bury. Strype's Park. 63.]
§. 100.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 307

first of queen Elizabeth, about this time he ended ^•^•f5S9-

his life, leaving a scholar's inventory, moe books

(many of his own making) than money behind him,

39. His friends say that Bale his pen doth zea- Bale's pas-
lously confute, such as are strangers to him conceive soured to
it doth bitterly inveigh, and his foes say it doth ^^
damnably rail on, papists and their opinions ; though
something may be pleaded for his passion. Old age

and ill usage will make any man angry. When
young, he had seen their superstition; when old,
he felt their oppression. Give losers therefore leave
to speak, and speakers to be choleric in such cases.
The best is. Bale rails not more on papists, than
Pits (employed on the same subject) on protestant
writers ; and (even set one against the other) whilst
the discreet reader of both, paring off the extrava-
gancies of passion on each side, may benefit himself
in quietness from their loud and clamorous invec-
tives ^.

40. Pius the Fourth, being newly settled in the The pope
papal chair, thought to do something no less honour- to re^die
able than profitable to his see, in reducing queen J^^t^g®®^
Elizabeth (a wandering sheep worth a whole flock) ^^ ®^
to the church of Rome ; in order whereunto, he not

only was deaf to the importunity of the count of
Feria, pressing him (for a private grudge) to excom-
municate her, but also addressed Vincent Parpalia,
abbot of St. Saviour's, with courteous letters unto
her ; the tenor whereof ensueth :

** [Therejis nothing in Pitts equal to the vulgarity, coarseness,
and gross indecency of Bale.]

X 2

308 The Church Hutary book ix.

A. D. 1560. « To our most dear Daughter in Christ, Elizabeth
— — !1— " Queen of England.

^ Dear daughter in Christ, health and apostolical
" benediction. How greatly we desire (our pastoral
*' charge requiring it) to procure the salvation of
your soule, and to provide likewise for your ho-
nour, and the establishment of your kingdom
*' withall, God the searcher of all hearts knoweth,
" and you may understand by what we have given
" in charge to this our beloved son Vincentius Par-
'* palia, abbot of St. Saviours, a man well known
" to you and well approved by us. Wherefore we
do again and again exhort and admonish your
highnesse, most dear daughter, that, rejecting evil
" councellours, which love not you, but themselves,
" and serve their own lusts, you would take the fear
*' of God into counsell with you, and, acknowledging
*' the time of your visitation, shew your self obe-
" dient to our fatherly perswasions and wholsome
" counsells, and promise to your self from us all
things that may make not only to the salvation of
your soul, but also whatsoever you shall desire
" from us for the establishing and confirming of your
" princely dignity, according to the authority, place,
*' and office committed unto us by God. And if
" so be, as we desire and hope, you shall return into
" the bosome of the church, we shall be ready to
** receive you with the same love, honour, and re-
*' joycing, that the father in the gospel did his son
" returning to him ; although our joy is like to be
'* the greater, in that he was joy full for the salvation
'* of one son, but you, drawing along with you all
*' the people of England, shall hear us and the whole

CENT, XVI. of Britain* 809

" company of our brethren (who are shortly, God a. d. i 560.

** willing, to be assembled in a generall councell for —

** the taking away of heresies) and so for the salvation
" of your self and your whole nation fill the universal
" church with rejoycing and gladnesse. Yea, you
** shaU make glad heaven itself with such a memo-
" rable fact, and atchieve admirable renown to your

name, much more glorious than the crown you

wear. But, concerning this matter, the same Vin-
** centius shall deal with you more largely, and shall
** declare our fatherly affection toward you : and we
^ intreate your majesty to receive him lovingly, to
" hear him diligently, and to give the same credit

to his speeches which you would to our self.

" Given at Rome, at St. Peters, &c., the fifth

day of May, 1560, in our first yeer."

What private proposals Parpalia made to her ma-
jesty, on condition she would be reconciled to Rome,
is unknown. Some conceive the pope might pro-
mise more than he meant to perform ; but would he
perform more than he did promise, nothing herein
had been effected. A bargain can never be driven
where a buyer can on no terms be procured. Her
majesty was resolute and unmovable in her religion ;
and yet some (not more knowing of councils, but
more daring in conjectures, than others) who love to
feign what they cannot find, that they may never
appear to be at a loss, avouch that the pope promised
to revoke the sentence against her mother Anne
Boleyn's marriage, to confirm our English Liturgy
by -his authority, to permit the English the commu-
nion under both kinds, provided she would own the
pope's primacy, and cordially unite herself to the

X 3

310 Tlie Church History book ix.

A. D. 1560. catholic church. Yea, some thousands of crowns

— ! !L-(but all in vain) were promised to the effectors

thereof; wherein his holiness, seemingly liberal, was
really thrifty, as knowing such his sums, if accepted,
would within one year return with an hundred-fold
increase **.
The con- 41. Scipio, a gentleman of Venice, formerly fami-
scipiohis liar with Mr. Jewell whilst he was a student in
MnJeweU. Padua, wrotc now an expostulating letter unto him,
being lately made bishop of Salisbury ; wherein he
much admired that England should send no ambas-
sador nor message, or letter to excuse their nation's
absence from the general appearance of Christianity
in the sacred council of Trent. He highly extolled
the antiquity and use of general councils, as the
only means to decide controversies in religion, and
compose the distractions in the church, concluding
it a superlative sin for any to decline the authority
thereof.
The sum of 42. To this Mr. Jewell returned a largfe and so-

Mr. Jew- -k.T 1 1

eU's an- lemu answcr. Now although he wrote it as a private
person, yet because the subject thereof was of public
concernment, take the principal heads thereof :

Firstly, That a great part of the world professing
the name of Christ (as Greeks, Armenians, Abessines,
&c., with all the Eastern church) were neither sent
to nor summoned to this council '\

Secondly, That England's absence was not so
great a wonder, seeing many other kingdoms and
free states (as Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, princes

^ [This is asserted by bishop i See it at large at the end of
Carleton, in his Thankf. Re- the History of the Council of
memb. 12.] Trent.

swer.

CBNT. XVI. of Britain, 311

of Grennany and Hanse-towns) were not represented a. d. 1560.
in this council by any of their ambassadors. 1-

Thirdly, That this pretended council was not
called according to the ancient custom of the church,
by the imperial authority, but by papal usurpation.

Fourthly, That Trent was a petty place, not of
sujBScient receipt for such multitudes as necessarily
should repair to a general council.

Fifthly, That pope Pius the Fourth, by whose
command the council was re-assembled, purchased
his place by the unjust practices of simony and
bribery, and managed it with murder and cruelty.

Sixthly, That repairing to councils was a free act,
and none ought to be condemned of contumacy if it
stood more with their conveniency to stay at home.

Seventhly, That anciently it was accepted as a
reasonable excuse of holy bishops absenting or with-
drawing themselves from any council, if they vehe-
mently suspected aught would be acted therein pre-
judicial to the truth, lest their (though not active)
included concurrence might be interpreted a coun-
tenancing thereof.

Eighthly, Our English bishops were employed in
feeding their flocks and governing their churches,
and could not be spared from their charge without
prejudice to their consciences.

Ninthly, The members of the council of Trent,
both bishops and abbots, were by oath pregaged to
the pope " to defend and maintain his authority
« agamst all the world/'

Lastly, In what capacity should the English clergy
appear in this council ? They could not as free per-
sons, to debate matters therein, being precondemned
for heretics by pope Julius. They would not come

X 4

SIS The Church History book ix.

A.D. 1560.08 offenders, to hear the sentence pronounced agamst
— — IL- themselves which they had heard of before.

What effect this letter produced I find not ; sure
I am no papists as yet have made an effectual refu-
tation of the reasons rendered therein.
Wertmin- 43. The bcUs of St. Peter's in Westminster had
Church re- Strangely rung the changes these last thirty years ;
q^wl^^u^ within which time, first, it was a stately and rich
cabeth. convcut of Bencdictiue monks; secondly, it was
made a collegiate church of dean and prebendaries
by king Henry the Eighth ; thirdly, by the same
king, it was made an episcopal see, and Thomas
Thirlby (who, having wasted the church's patrimony,
surrendered it to the spoil of courtiers) the first and
last bishop thereof; fourthly, queen Mary reseated
the abbot and monks in the possession thereof, who
were outed after her death ; lastly, this year queen
Elizabeth converted it again into a collegiate church,
founding therein maintenance for one dean, twelve
prebendaries, as many old soldiers past service for
alms-men, and forty scholars, who in due time are
preferred to the universities: so that it hath proved
one of the most renowned seminaries of religion and
learning in the whole nation.
The pope 44. Popc Pius, though uusuccessful in his ad-

triethagain, _ - , _ ^ « t

in vain, to drssscs last year to the queen, yet was not so dis-
queer^ ^ heartened but that once more he would try what
might be effected' therein ; to which purpose he em-
ployed the abbot of Martinegi with most loving
letters unto her, desiring leave to come over into
England. But the queen, knowing it less diflSculty
and danger to keep him than to cast him out of her
dominions, forbade his entrance into the realm, afll
against the laws of the land ; so that he was fain to

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 813

deliver his errand and receive his answer (and that a. d. 1561.
a denial) at distance in the Low Countries. As— ^ — !l^

little success had the bishop of Viterbo, the pope's
nuncio to the king of France, secretly dealing with
sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the queen's agent there,
to persuade her to send ambassadors to the council
of Trent; which, for the reasons afore-mentioned,
was justly refused.

45. Sir Edward Came, the queen's leger at Rome, The death
doctor of civil law, knighted by the emperor Charles ward Carne.
the Fifth, pretended that as the queen would not
suffer the pope's nuncio to come into England, so

the pope would not permit him to depart Rome;
whereas, indeed, the cunning old man was not de-
tained, but detained himself; so well pleased was he
with the place, and his office therein, where soon
after he died, the last leger of the English nation to
Rome publicly avowed in that employment.

46. This year the spire of Paul's steeple, covered Paul's stee.
vnth lead, strangely fell on fire, attributed by several down.
persons to sundry causes ^ : some that it was casu- ^ ""® ^^
ally blasted with lightning ; others that it was mis-
chievously done by art magic ; and others, (and they

the truest,) done by the negligence of a plumber
carelessly leaving his coals therein. The fire bm*nt
for five full hours, in which time it melted all the
lead of the church, only the stone arches escaping
the fury thereof; but, by the queen's bounty and a
collection from the clergy, it was afterwards repaired,

k [See a full account of the bishop's registrar, who penned

burning of St. Paul's in Strype's it by order of that prelate. See

Grind. 53 sq., taken from the also Dugdale's History of St.

narrative of Peter Johnson^ the Paul's, p. 133, ed. 1658.]

314

The Church Hiitory

BOOK IX.

Papists
stickle in
Merton
College.

A. D.I 561. only the blunt tower had not the top thereof sharp-
^ ened into a spire, as before ^

47. A petty rebellion happened in Merton Col-
lege, in Oxford, (small in itself, great in the conse-
quence thereof, if not seasonably suppressed,) on this
occasion : some Latin superstitious hjrmns, formerly
sung on festivals, had by order of the late warden,
Dr. Gervays, been abolished, and English psalms
appointed in their place. Now when Mr. Leach, a
fellow in the house, on Allhallows'-4ay last had the
book in his hand ready to begin the psalm, in springs
one Mr. William Hall, a senior fellow, offering to
snatch it from him with an intent to cast it into
the fire, adding moreover that they would " no more
" dance after his pipe ™.*' This was done in the
interval of the vacancy of the wardenship; for though
John Man" was lawfully chosen to the place, yet
Hall and his popish faction (whereof Mr. Potts, Mr.

^ [See the letters of the
queen and the archbishop for
that purpose, in Wilkins* Cone.
IV. 226. Strype's Park. 93.
The queen gave, according to
Stow, (Chron. p. 357,) a thou-
sand marks in gold and a thou-
sand loads of timber towards its
repair.]

*" Manuscript Records of
Cant, in Matthew Parker, p.
322.

n [He was originally of New
College, from which he had
been expelled for heresy, as it
was then called, in 1540, or
thereabouts. In 1565 he was
made dean of Gloucester^ hav-
ing been appointed warden of

Merton in 1 562, by the influence
of archbishop Parker, whose
chaplain he had been, although
he had never been a fellow or
scholar. In 1567 he was sent
ambassador to Spain, in which
employment he acquired the
nickname of Man.goose,in ridi-
cule of Goose-man, (Guzman,)
the Spanish ambassador. He
translated the *' Commonplaces"
of Wolfg. Musculus, at that
time a book in so great repute
as to be required to be used by
those in holy orders. Man died
in 1568-9. See Wood's Hist,
of Univ. an. 1562. Ath. I.366.
Strype's Park. 228. Ann. I.

498.]

CENT, XVI.

of Britain,

315

Benyon, and sir Appleby the leaders) opposed his a. d. 1562.

admission. And whereas in this house great was the '—

power of a senior fellow (especially in office) over
the young scholars, Hall raised such a persecution
against them, that it was penal for any to be a
protestant.

48. Archbishop Parker, hearing hereof, summon- Are curbed
eth Hall to appear before him, who cared so little bLhopl^s "
for the same that some of his party plucked off the ^"^'*°^-
seal from the citation, which was affixed to the gates

of the college ; whereupon his grace made a solemn May 26.
Tisitation of that college, wherein all were generally
examined : Man confirmed warden, Hall justly ex-
pelled, his party publicly admonished, the young
scholars relieved, papists curbed and suppressed,
protestants countenanced and encouraged in the
whole university.

49. A parliament® was called, wherein a bill Jan. u.
passed for the assurance of. certain lands assumed

by the queen from some bishoprics during their
vacation P; another for the restitution in blood of

" Parliament Rolls, quinto
Elizabethse.

p [A most iniquitous act^
shewing that the queen and
her ministers cared little for
the church except to suit their
political purposes. By virtue
of this act authority was given
to the queen^ on the avoidance
of any archbishopric or bishop-
ric, to take into her hands any
of the temporal possessions
thereof^ recompensing the same
with parsonages impropriate or
tithes. As this act passed at
the commencement of her reign,
and all the sees were shortly

after vacated, the queen had
the opportunity of gratifying
her courtiers with the best
episcopal lands and revenues
throughout England : a species
of plunder in which she un-
sparingly indulged^ visiting
such of the bishops who at-
tempted to resist such a spo-
liation with the weight of a
Tudor s resentment. In lieu
of what was taken from the
bishoprics, parsonages, which
had originally belonged to the
monasteries, were made over to
the sees; but many of them
were burdened vidth decayed

into Welsh.

S16 The Church History book ix.

A. ^- '.563. the children of Thomas Cranmer, late archbishop of
Canterbury. Here ftun would I be informed by

Craiimer*s

children somc Icamed in the law what needed the restoring
UoodL. of those children, whose father was condemned and
died only for heresy, which is conceived a personal
crime, and not tainting the blood ; for although this
archbishop was first accused of high treason, yet it
afterwards was waived, and he tried upon heretical
opinions^. Except any will say, that because not
solemnly and formally pardoned in majorem cautelamy
such an act was not amiss, or else done not so
much for the use of the Uving children as honour
of their dead father.
An act for 50. A third bill passed for the translating of the
the Bible Bible iuto the Welsh tongue, which since the Refor-
mation may hitherto be said to have been read in
Latin in their congregations, English being Latin to
them, as in the most parishes of Wales utterly un-
understood *. This some years after was performed,

chancels and ruinoas houses^ hands, and what impropriations
and with the payment of various and tithes should be granted
pensions. Tlie tithes also were instead. This commission con-
collected with great difficulty, sisted exclusively of laymen;
and, being settled on the crown, that is, church robbers and
could not be collected by the plunderers.]
bishops without an express act ' I have read that he was
for that purpose. See Strype's condemned of treason, (Cromp-
Annals, I. 96. Archbishop ton's Juris. Courts, fol. 2, b.,]
Parker, in conjunction vidth which treason was released un-
four other bishops, offered the to him ; and yet he, saith Ho-
queen a thousand marks a year linshed, excepted out of the
during their lives not to use general pardon: intricacies I
the liberty of this act ; but to understand not.
no effect, for she appointed a ^ [Richard Davies, bishop
commission to survey the va- of St. David's, and William
cant bishoprics, to send certiii- Salisbury, bishop of Man, were
cates into the exchequer of the employed in 1 565 in translating
value of their several lands and the Bible into Welsh. Strype's
revenues, and to consider what Park. 209.]
she should take into her o^vn

CENT. XVI. qf Britain. 317

principally by the endeavours of William Morgan, a. d. 1563.

doctor of divinity *, afterwards bishop of LlandafF, ~

and thence preferred to St. Asaph, but worthy for
his work of better advancement.

51. In the convocation now sitting'*, wherein The Thir-
Alexander Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, was prolocutor, tide^m-'
the nine and thirty Articles were composed. ForJjJj^J^.
the main they asree with those set forth in the**®?-

•^ ° Jan. 29.

reign of king Edward the Sixth, though in some
particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judg-
ments : for instance, in this king's Articles it is said
that it is to be believed that Christ went dovni to
hell "to preach to the spirits there*;" which last
clause is left out in these Articles, and men left to
a latitude concerning the cause, time, and manner
of his descent.

52. Hence some have unjustly taxed the com- why &-
posers for too much favour extended in their large drawn up
expressions clean through the contexture of these ^^"^'^
Articles, which should have tied men's consciences

up closer in more strict and particularizing propo-
sitions, which indeed proceeded from their com-
mendable moderation. Children s clothes ought to
be made of the biggest, because afterwards their
bodies will grow up to their garments. Thus the
Articles of this English protestant church, in the
infancy thereof, they thought good to draw up in
general terms, foreseeing that posterity would grow
up to fill the same : I mean these holy men did pru-

t Godwin^ [De Prfiesul. p. the Thirty-Nine Articles were

613. Stiype's Park. 119.] agreed to, and signed by the

^ [This convocation was as- bishops. See the acts of this

sembled on the 12th of Jan. convocation, printed at length

1563, and on the 16th of the in Wilkins' Cone. IV. 232.]
same month Nowel was chosen ^ [The words of the article

prolocutor; and on the 29th are " ad inferos descendisse."]

318 The Church History jook ix.

A.D.i563.dently prediscover that differences in judgments
^ ^' would unavoidably happen in the church, and were

loath to unchurch any, and drive them off from an
ecclesiastical communion for such petty differences ;
which made them pen the Articles in comprehen-
sive words, to take in all who, differing in the
branches, meet in the root of the same religion ^.
Most con- 53 Indeed most of them had formerly been suf-

fessors who ^

compoMd ferers themselves, and cannot be said in compiling

tlieArti- ^ °

cies. these articles (an acceptable service, no doubt) to

offer to God what cost them nothing y, some having
paid imprisonment, others exile, all losses in their
estates, for this their experimental knowledge in
religion; which made them the more merciful and
tender in stating those points, seeing such who
themselves have been most patient in bearing will
be most pitiful in burdening the consciences of
others.

English 54. It is observablo these Articles came forth

Articles

and Trent much about the time wherein the Decrees of the

oontem- Couucil of Trout Were published, truth and false-

poranes. Jj^q^ starting in some sort both together, though the

former will surely carry away the victory at long

running ; many of which Decrees begin with lying,

and all conclude with cursing, thundering anathemas

against all dissenters ; whilst these our Articles, like

the still voice, only plainly express the positive

truth.

The Thir- 55 g^|. ^qjhq uinc voars after, viz. anno 1571,

ty-nine Ar- J ^ '

tides con- the parliament confirmed these Articles so far, that

firmed by
parliament.

^ [They were signed gene- secular priests were afterwards

rally by the lower house of con- taxed by the Jesuits. See

vocation, many of whom were Father Parsons' Apologia pro

Romanists. See Strype's An- Hierarchia, &c., p. 2.]
nals^ 1. 488. And for this the y 2 Sam. xxiv. 24.

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 319

every clerk should, before the nativity of Christ a. d. 1563.

next foUov^ing, subscribe the same * ; and hereafter -J

every person promoted to an ecclesiastical living
should, within a time prefixed, publicly in the time
of divine service, read and profess his consent to
the same, on pain of deprivation ipso facto, if
omitted.

5Q. No lay person v^as required to subscribe, no But only

imposed on

magistrate, none of the commons, accordmg to the clergymen,
severity in other places ; for the persecuted church
of English in Frankfort, in queen Mary her days,
demanded subscription to their discipline of every
man, yea, even of v^omen ; and the Scotch, in the
minority of king James^ exacted it of noblemen,
gentlemen, and courtiers, vrhich here vras extended
only to men of ecclesiastical function. Not that
the queen and state was careless of the spiritual
good of others, (leaving them to live and believe as
they list,) but because charitably presuming that
where parishes were provided of pastors orthodox in
their judgments, they would, by God's blessing on
their preaching, work their people to conformity to
the same opinions.

Some question there is about a clause in t^®^^^^
twentieth Article, whether originally there, or since twentieth
interpolated. Take the whole Article, according to whether

., ,.,. ,, ^_ shufHedin

the common edition thereof * : or no.

Twentieth Article of the Authority of the Church.

" The church hath power to decree rites or cere-
monies, and authority in controversies of faith;

' See the Statutes, 13 Eliz. cap. 12. ^ P. 98.

3S0 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1563. " and yet it is not lawful for the church to ordain
— — ^ " any thing that is contrary to God's word ; neither
may it so expound one place of scripture, that it
he repugnant to another. Wherefore, although the
'* church be a witness and keeper of holy writ, yet,
as it ought not to decree any thing against the
same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce
" any thing to be beheved for necessity of salvation."

Take along with this the bitter invective of a
modem minister S who thus layeth it on with might
and main on the backs of bishops for some un&ir
practice herein, in an epistle of his written to the
temporal lords of his majesty's privy council, reck-
oning up therein fourteen innovations in the church :

" The prelates, to justify their proceedings, have
" forged a new article of religion, brought from
" Rome, (which gives them fiiU power to alter the
" doctrine and discipline of our church at a blow,)
" and have foisted it into the twentieth Article of
" our church. And this is in the last edition of the
" Articles, anno 1628, in aflfront of his majesty's
" declaration before them. The clause forged is
*' this : * The church (that is, the bishops, as they
" expound it) hath power to decree rites and cere-
• " monies, and authority in matters of faith.' This
'* clause is a forgery fit to be examined and deeply
" censured in the star-chamber 5 for it is not to be
" found in the Latin or English Articles of Edward

c Mr. Burton, in his Apo- printed in the year 1637. Re-
logy. [Quoted from arch- printed in Franklin's Annals,
bishop Laud's speech in the p. 837. Rushworth's Collec-
star-chamber, delivered and tions, vol. III. App. p. 116.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

321

**VI- or queen Elizabeth, ratified by parliament, a. d. 1563.

** And if to forge a will or writing be censurable ^—

** in the star-chamber, which is but a wrong to a
private man, how much more the forgery of an
article of religion, to wrong the whole church, and
overturn religion, which concerns all our souls."

57. Such as deal in niceties discover some falter- The ac-
ing from the truth in the very words of this grand first mis-
dilator; for the Article saith that the church hath
authority in controversies of faith. He chargeth
them with challenging authority in matters of faith.
Here some difference betwixt the terms ; for matters

of faith (which all ought to know and believe for
their souls' health) are so plainly settled by the
scriptures that they are subject to no alteration by
the church, which notwithstanding may justly chal-
lenge a casting voice in some controversies of faith,
as of less importance to salvation.

58. But to come to the main matter : this clause The du-
in question lieth at a dubious posture, at in and out^ ^^l^lf
sometimes inserted, sometimes omitted, both in our*^"*^"^*
written and printed copies :

Inserted in

The original of the Articles,
1562-3, as appeareth un-
der the hand of a public
notary, whose inspection
and attestation is only
decisive in this case. So
also anno J 593, and anno
1605, and anno 16 12, all
which were public and
authentic editions.

FULLEB, VOL. IV.

Omitted in

The English and Latin Ar-
ticles set forth 1571, when
they were first ratified by
act ; and whose being, as
obligatory to punishment,
bears not date nine years
before, from their compo-
sition in convocation, but
henceforward from their
confirmation in parlia-
ment.

822 The Church HUtory book ix.

A. D. 1563. And now, to match the credit of priyate authoifi
^ in some equality, we will weigh Mr. Rogers, chap-

lain to archbishop Whitgift, inserting this clause
in his edition, 1595, against Dr. Mocket, chaplain to
archbishop Abbot, omitting it in his Latin translation
of our Articles set forth 1617.
Archbishop 59. Archbishop Laud, in a speech which he made
opinion in in the star-chambor, inquiring into the cause why
^"** this clause is omitted in the printed Articles, 1571,
thus expresseth himself ^ :

«(

Certainly this could not be done, but by the
malicious cunning of that opposite &ction; and
** though I shall spare dead men's names where I
" have not certainty, yet, if you be pleased to look
" back and consider who they were that governed
" businesses in 1571, and rid the church almost at
their pleasure, and how potent the ancestors of
these libellers began then to grow, you will think
" it no hard matter to have the Articles printed,
" and this clause left out ®."

I must confess myself not so well skilled in histo*
rical horsemanship as to know whom his grace de-
signed for the rider of the church at that time : it
could not be archbishop Parker, who, though dis-
creet and moderate, was sound and sincere in press-
ing conformity; much less was it Grindal, (as yet
but bishop of London,) who then had but little, and
never much, influence on church matters. The earl

d QThis is a most admirable proceedings ever made.]

speech, and deserves attentive ^ In his Speech, made June

Serusal. It is one of the best i6th, 1637, p. 65, [and Frank-

efences of the archbishop's lin, ib. p. 845.]

CENT. XVI. i>f Britain. 823

of Leicester could not in this phrase be intended, a. d. 1563.

E*l*

who alike minded the insertion or omission of this — — —
or any other article. As for the nonconformists,
they were so far at this time from riding the church,
that then they first began to put foot in stirrup,
though since they have dismounted those whom
they found in the saddle. In a word, concerning
this clause, whether the bishops were faulty in their
addition, or tlieir opposites in their subtraction, I
leave to more cunning state- arithmeticians to
decide.

60. One Article more we will request the reader ^'^ ^'?»^«

*■ to coxmrm

to peruse, as the subject of some historical debates ^e Homi-
which thereon doth depend : kingEd-

ward his
reigu.

XXXV. Article of Homilies.

" The second Booke of Homilies, the severall titles
" whereof we have joyned under this Article, doth
** contain a godly and wholsome doctrine, and neces-
" sary for these times, as doth the former Booke of
" Homilies which were set forth in the time of
" Edward the Sixth ; and therefore we judge them
** to be read in churches by the ministers diligently
^ and distinctly, that they may be understood of the

people.**

See we here the homilies ranked into two forms :
the first such as were made in the reign of Edward
the Sixth, being twelve in number, of which the
tenth (of obedience to magistrates) was drawn up at
or about Rett's rebellion, in a dangerous juncture <rf
time; for, as it is observed of the gingles or St.
Anthony his fire, that it is mortal if it come once to

Y 2

324 The Church HisUny book ix.

A. D.I 563. clip and encompass the whole body, so, had the

— I!L- north-east rebels in Norfolk met and imited with

the south-east rebels in Devonshire, in human ap-
prehension desperate the consequence of that con-
juncture.
As alto 61. The second form of homilies are those com-

queenEii. poscd iu the roigu of queen Elizabeth, amounting
^ * to one and twenty, concluding with one against re-
bellion ; for though formerly there had been one in
king Edward's days for obedience, yet this was con-
ceived no superfluous tautology, but a necessary
gemination of a duty in that seditious age, wherein
dull scholars needed to have the same lesson often
taught unto them.
The iwe of 62. Thev are penned in a plain style, accommo-

Homilies. *> x x y

dated to the capacities of the hearers, (being loath

to say of the readers,) the ministers also being very

simple in that age. Yet if they did little good, in

this respect they did no harm, that they preached

not strange doctrines to their people, as too many

vent new darknesses in our days ; for they had no

power to broach opinions, who were only employed

to deliver that liquor to them which they had

received from the hands of others better skilled in

religion than themselves.

Their an- 63. However, somo behold these homilies as not

necessity Sufficiently legitimated by this Article to be, for

question . ^.jj^jj, joctrine, the undoubted issue of the church of

England, alleging them composed by private men of
unknown names, who may probably be presumed, at
the best, but the chaplains of the archbishops under
whom they were made. Hence is it that some have
termed them homely homilies, others a popular dis-

CENT. XTI.

of Britain,

course *i or a doctrine useful for those times wherein a. d^ 1 563,

they were set forth. I confess what is necessary in —

one age may be less needful in another ; but what
in one age is godly and wholesome doctrine (charac-
ters of commendation given by the aforesaid Article
to the homilies) cannot in another age be ungodly
and unhealthful, as if our faith did follow fashions,
and truth alter with the times, like Achithophel his
counsel, though good in itself, yet not at some sea-
sons^. But some are concerned to decry their
credits, as much contrary to their judgment, more to
their practice ; especially seeing the second homily

^ Mr. Mountague, in his Ap-
pello Caesarem. [I suppose
Fuller refers to chap, xxiii. of
the Appeal, where Mountague
expresses his opinion as to the
different degree of authority
which ought to be attributed
to the Homilies and the Arti-
cles. " I willingly admit," he
says, *' the Homilies, us con.
** taining certain godly and
'* wholesome exhortations to
" move the people to honour
" and worship Almighty God ;
** but not as the public dogma-
** iical resolutions confirmed of
" the church of England. The
** xxxvth Article giveth them
'* to contain * godly and whole-
" some doctrine, and necessary
" for these times / which they
" may do, though they have
" not dogmatical positions or
^' doctrine to be propugned and
•' subscribed in all and every
•* point, as the Books of Arti-
** cles and of Common Prayer
•' have.*' Then, after compar-
ing the Book of Articles and
of Homilies respectively to
the dogmatical and exhortatory

writings of the early fathers,
he adds, " We may do well,
" then, to consider why, where-
" fore, when, and to what man-
" ner of men these popular ser-
" monsweremade and do speak,
" and not press every passage
" hand over head for ad van-
'* tage." That Mountague's
judgment is in accordance with
the church of England is clear,
not only from the words of the
xxxvth Article already quoted,
but also from the concluding
passage of it; for if the Ho-
milies were not intended for
merely temporary purposes and
the then state of the church,
the clergy are certainly not jus-
tified in neglecting to read them
in churches, as enjoined by the
Article ; if, therefore, it is to
be taken in its stringent sense
in one part, it must also in the
other.

Fuller glances evidently at
Mountague throughout this
paragraph, but has either mis-
taken or misrepresented the
question.]

g 2 Sam. xvii.

Y 3

826

The Church History

BOOK IX.

Rastall

writes

against

bisb(n)

Jewd.

A.D. is^ii.in the second book stands with s sponge la oxie hand
-i — ^ to wipe out all pictures, and a hammer in the oiber
to beat down all images of God and saint49 ereoted
in churches ; and therefore such use these homilies
as an upper garment, girting them close unto or
casling them from them at pleasure, allowing and
alleging them when consenting, denying and dis-
claiming them when opposite to their practice fn
opinions.

64, The religion in England being settled accord-
ing to these Aifticles^ which soon after were pub-
lished, the first papist that fell foul upon them was
William Rastall, nephew to sir Thomas More by
Elizabeth his sister, and a great lawyer. Yet we
believe not him ^ that telleth us he was one of the
two chief justices, as knowing the contrary*. How-
ever, he was very knowing in our common law;
witness his collections of statutes and comments
thereon, with other works in that faculty. But this
veteranus Juris consultus was via? tyro iheologus, shew-
ing rather zeal to the cause than ability to defend it
in those books which he set forth against bishop
Jewel ^.

65. No eminent English protestant died this year,
but great grief among the Romanists for the loss of
Dr. Richard Smith, king's professor of divinity in

The death
of Dr.

Smith.

^ Pitzaeus de Scriptor. pag.
764.

* See sir Henry Spelman bis
Glossary in Judic,

k [Fuller has followed Pitts
in a great error. Jewel's ad-
versary was John Kastell, a
Jesuit, and not William Ras-
tell» the nephew of sir Thomas

More. The latter was made
one of the justices of the com-
mon pleas in the reign of queen
Mary, but fled to Louvain at
the accession of queen Eliza-
beth, where be died in the year
1565. See Wood's Ath.'pp.
i47» 30^- Mori Hist. Soc.
Jesu, p. 18.]

CJENT. XVI. of Britain. 827

Oxford till outed by Peter Martyr; whereupon he^-^-^s^s

forsook the land, returned in the reign of queen --

Mary, went back after her death into the Low
Countries, where he was made dean of St. Peter's in
Douay, and appointed by king Philip the Second
first divinity professor in that new-erected univer-
sity. His party much complain that his strong parts
were disadvantaged with so weak sides and low
voice * ; though indeed too loud his railing against
the truth, as appears by his books.

66. The English bishops, conceiving themselves The ori-
empowered by their canons, began to shew their ^j^t^
authority in urging the clergy of their diocese to
subscribe to the liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline

of the church ; and such as refused the same were
branded with the odious name of puritans *°.

67. A name which in this notion first began inThehomo-
this year, and the grief had not been great if it had S^teim
ended in the same. The philosopher banisheth the

term, (which is polyscemon^ that is subject to several
senses out of the predicaments, as aflfording too
much covert for cavil by the latitude thereof. On
the same account could I wish that the word 'puritan
were banished common discourse, because so various
in the acceptions thereof. We need not speak of
the ancient cathari^ or primitive puritans, sufficiently
knovni by their heretical opinions. Puritan here
was taken for the opposers of the hierarchy and
church-service, as resenting of superstition. But
profane mouths quickly improved this nickname,

1 Pitzseus de Ang, Script* formity to the queen's injunc-

pag. 76^. tions and the statute of uni-

^ [Not upon the authority formity. It was a mere state^

of their canons^ but in con- interference.}

Y 4

S28

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 156.1. therewith on every occasion to abuse pious people,

some of them so far from opposing the liturgy that

they endeavoured (according to the instructions
thereof in the preparative to the confession) to
accompany the minister with a pure heart, and
laboured (as it is in the absolution) for a life pure
and holy. We will therefore decline the word, to
prevent exceptions, which, if casually slipping from
our pen, the reader knoweth that only nonconformists
are thereby intended.

68. These, in this age, were divided into two
ranks " : some mild and moderate, contented only
to enjoy their own conscience; others fierce and
fiery, to the disturbance of church and state.
Amongst the former I recount the principal, father
John Fox, (for so queen Elizabeth termed him,)
summoned, as I take it, by archbishop Parker to
subscribe, that the general reputation of his piety
might give the greater countenance to conformity.

Mr. Fox a
moderate
noncon-
formist.

" [See Strype's Griiidal,
book I. chap. xii. Fox could
hardly be called a nonconform-
ist. He differed from the
church of England in some
points, but never separated
himself from its communion.
He asserted that the Book of
Common Prayer was produced
*• through the aid of the Holy
'* Ghost." Acts II. 660. He
further observes that no one
rejected it but ** old popish
*' curates, by whose cloaked
*' contempt, wilful winking, and
" stubborn disobedience, the
** Book of the Common Prayer
" was, long after the publishing
** thereof, either not known at
'* all, or else very irreverently

" used through many places of
" the realm." lb. II. 663. How
would the old martyrologist
have been horrified to have
seen the descendants of the
self-righteous puritans adopt-
ing the rags of popery, as he
irreverently called them ! how
much more to have found him-
self classed among a race of
men of whom he has left this
testimony on record, " Video
*' enim suboriri quoddam ho-
'* minum genus qui si invales-
" cant, viresque in hoc regno
'* coUigant piget hie referre
'' quid futurae perturbationis
" praesagit mihi animus." See
Sect. III. §. 15.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 829

The old man produced the New Testament in a. d. 1564.
ftreek : " To this," saith he, « will I subscribe." But ^^^'
when a subscription to the canons was required of
him, he refused it, saying, " I have nothing in the
"church save a prebend at Salisbury, and much
" good may it do you if you will take it away from
" me." However, such respect did the bishops
(most formerly his fellow-exiles) bear to his age,
parts, and pains, that he continued his place till the
day of his death; who, though no friend to the
ceremonies, was otherwise so devout in his carriage,
that (as his nearest relation surviving hath informed
me) he never entered any church without expressing
solemn reverence therein.

69. With Mr. Fox I join his dear friend Lawrence And Dr.
Humphrey, whom I should never have suspected for Humphrey.
inclinations to nonconformity, (such his intimacy
with Dr. Jewel and other bishops,) had I not read
in my author that " de adiaphoris non juxta cum
" ecclesia Anglicana senserit ®." He was regius
professor of divinity in Oxford, where his answers
and detenfainations were observed quick, clear, and
solid, but his replies and objections weak and slen-
der, which his auditors imputed to no lack of learn-
ing, wherewith he was well stored, but to his unwil-
lingness to furnish his popish adversaries with strong
arguments to maintain their erroneous opinions. But
such his quiet carriage, that notwithstanding his
nonsubscribing, he kept his professor's place and
deanery of Winchester as long as he lived.

o Camden's Elizabeth, in " this loose gown becomes you

anno 1589. [Referring to his ** well, and therefore I wonder

puritanism^ the queen said to *•' that you are so straight-

him^ when she beheld him in " laced in your theological

his doctor's dress, at her visit " opinions." Wood's Hist, of

to Oxford, •' Domine doctor, the Univ. an. 1566.]

380

The Church History

BOOiT IX.

((

A. D. 1564. 70. Pass we now to the fierce (not to saj furious)

!!l— . sticklers against church-discipline p, and begin with

oiiby r^ Anthony Gilby, bom in Lincolnshire, bred in Christ's
^^^."* College in Cambridge. How fierce he was against
the ceremonies, take it from his own pen ^ : " They
" are known liveries of Antichrist, accursed leaven
" of the blasphemous popish priesthood, cursed
patches of popery and idolatry ; they are worse
than lousy, for they are sibbe to the sark of
" Hercules, that made him tear his own bowels
" asunder."
AndWii- 71. William Whittingham succeeds, bred in All
tingham. Souls CoUoge iu Oxford, afterwards exile in Ger-
many, where he made a preface to Mr. Goodman
his book, approving the divinity therein ; and, re-
turning into England, was made dean of Durham '.
And ciiris- 72. Christopher Goodman is the third ; and well
Ooodi^n. it were if it might be truly said of him, what rf
Probus the emperor, that he was vir sui nominis.
Sure it is that, living beyond the seas in the days
of queen Mary, he wrote a book stuffed with much
dangerous doctrine * ; wherein he maintained that
" sir Thomas Wyat was no traitor ' ; that his cause
" was God's : that none but traitors could accuse
** him of treason ; and that the counsellors and
" others who would be accounted nobles, and took
•' not his part, were in very deed traitors to God,

P [See Strype's Grindal, p.
170.]

q Pag. 150.

^ Bale, Cent. IX. p. 731.
[He versified several psalms,
signed W. W. in Sternhold's
Collection.]

8 [Printed at Geneva, by
John Crispin, 1558. i2mo. A
copious extract from this book,

and some account of its author,
will be found in Strype's An-
nals, I. 123, 126. Goodman
afterwards made a kind of
recantation » which has been
printed by Strype, ib. 1 2.5.]

t ['^ How superior Powers
" ought to be obeyed of their
'* Subjects," &c^] pp. 203, 206,
207.

CKNT. XVI. of Britain, 831

^* his people, and their country." These three (for a. i>. 1564-

David Whitehead I have no mind to mention with '—

them) were certainly the antesignani of the fierce
nonconformists ". Yet find I none of them solemnly
silenced, either because perchance dead before this
year, (wherein the vigorous urging of subscription,)
or because finding some favour in respect of their
suffering of banishment for the protestant religion.
Only I meet with Thomas Samson, dean of Christ
Church in Oxford, qui propter puritanismum ea^havr-
tkoratm ^, displaced this year out of his deanery ^,
notwithstanding the said Samson stands very high in
Bale his catalogue of the English exiles in the reign
of queen Mary.

78. Queen Elizabeth came to Oxford, honourably tTiequeen'*
attended with the earl of Leicester, lord chancellor mem at
of the university, the marquis of Northampton, the^^g^'j
lord Burleigh, the Spanish ambassador, &c. Here
she was entertained with the most stately welcome
which the Muses could make. Edmund Campion,
then proctor, (oratory being his masterpiece,) well
performed his part, only over-flattering Leicester y,
(enough to make a modest man s head ache with
the too sweet flowers of his rhetoric,) save that the
earl was as willing to hear his own praise as the
other to utter it. Her highness was lodged in Christ
Church, where many comedies were acted before

^ Note that these three were 1567 Samson was still preach-
active in the separation from ing in London, without wear-
Frankfort. Vide supra, book ing the habits. Strype's Grind.
IX. p. 9. p. 116.]

▼ Godwin de Praesul. p. . y (^This oration is printed in

[Hewas removed by archbishop Campion's Opuscula, p. 330,

Parker. Wood's A th. I. 239.] ed. 1631. Antv.]

^ [Yet it appears that in

832 The Church History book ix.

-A- 1^- "564- her ; one whereof (Palaemon and Arcyte ') had a tra-

gical end, three men being slain by the fall of a

wall and press of people *. Many acts were kept
before her in philosophy, and one most eminent in
divinity, wherein bishop Jewel (this year in his
absence created honorary doctor) was moderator. It
lasted in summer-time till candles were lighted,
delight devouring all weariness in the auditors ; when
the queen, importuned by the lords, (the Spanish
ambassador, to whom she proffered it, modestly de-
clining the employment,) concluded all with this
her Latin oration :

Her high- " Qui male agit, odit lucem, et ego quidem quia
to the uni- " nihil aliud nisi male agere possimi, idcirco odi
▼ersity. <j lucom, id est, conspectum vestrum. Atque sane
me magna tenet dubitatio, dum singula considero
quae hie aguntur, laudemne an vituperem, taceamne
an eloquar. Si eloquar, patefaciam vobis quam
" sim literarum rudis ; tacere autem nolo, ne defec-
" tus videatur esse contemptus. Et quia tempus
" breve est quod habeo ad dicendum, idcirco omnia
** in pauca conferam, et orationem meam in duas
'* partes dividam, in laudem et vituperationem. Laus
" autem ad vos pertinet. Ex quo enim primum
" Oxoniam veni, nmlta vidi, multa audivi, probavi
" omnia. Erant enim et prudenter facta, et ele-
" ganter dicta. At ea quibus in prologis vos ipsi
" excusastis, neque probare ut Regina possum, neque
*' ut Christiana debeo. Cseterum quia in exordio
" semper adhibuistis cautionem, mihi sane ilia dis-
ss [" Made by master Ed- Wood's Ath. I. 151.]
" wards, of the queen's cha- » Stow's Chron. p. 660.
*• pel." Stow's Chron. p. 660. [Wood, ib.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

833

" putatio non displicuit. Nunc venio ad alteram a. d. 1564.

" partem, nempe vituperationem, atque haec pars 1-

" mihi propria est. Sane fateor parentes meos dili-
" gentissime curasse ut in bonis Uteris recte insti-
•* tuerer, et quidem in multarum linguarum varietate
" diu versata fui, quarum aliquam mihi cognitionem
" assume : quod etsi vere tamen verecunde dice.
" Habui quidem multos et doctos psedagogos, qui ut
** me eruditam redderent, diligenter elaborarunt.
" Sed paedagogi mei posuerunt operam in agro sterili
" et infoecundo, ita fructus percipere vix poterant,
" aut dignitate mea, aut illorum laboribus, aut vestra
" expectatione dignos. Quamobrem etsi omnes vos
" me abunde laudastis, ego tamen, quae mihi conscia
** sum, quam sim nulla laude digna facile agnosco.
" Sed finem imponam orationi meaj barbarismis
** plense, si prius optavero, et votum unum addidero.
" Votum meum hoc erit, ut me vivente sitis floren-
" tissimi, me mortua beatissimi ^''

Thus, having stayed seven days, she took her
leave of the university, Mr. Williams the mayor
riding in scarlet before her majesty to Magdalen
bridge ; but the doctors attending her in their for-
mialities as far as Shotover.

^ This speech was taken by
Dr. Lawrence Humphrey, and
by him printed in the Life of
Bishop Jewel, p. 244. [Re-
printea also by Anthony Wood,
as below. Thisvisit of the queen
has been antedated two years,
and ought to have been referred
to the year 1 566. See Wood's
Hist, of the University under

that year. Whether Fuller was
mistaken in the chronology of
this period, or in that of the
commencement of the next sec«
tion, I cannot tell, as the dates
are very carelessly printed in
the old edition. I have endea-
voured to correct them care-
fully throughout, not without
much trouble.]

SECT. IV,

WILLIAM HONEYWOOD, Esq.^

Some conceive that to be pressed to death {the ptmishment on
recusants to submit to legal trial) is the greatest torment in
the world. God keep all good msn from feeling ^ and chiefly
from deserving it, I am the easier induced to believe the
exqtdsiteness of the torture^ being sensible in myself by your
bounty^ what a burden it is for one^ who would be ingenu-
ous^ to be loaded with courtesies which he ka& not the least
hope to requite or deserve.

a [Arms. Argent, a chevron
between three hawks' heads
erased^ azure.

A dedication to this gentle-
man is prefixed to the account
of the tribe of Simeon in the
Pisgah Sight, (Map, p. 224,)
where his arms are tricked with
his proper quarterings. " Wil-
*' helmo Honywood, armigero,
" e familia, non generosa minus
'* quam numerosa oriundo, cu-
" jus mellito nomini,suavissimi
" mores conveniunt, amico suo
" Optimo, tabulam banc, gra-
** tiarum ergo destinat, T. F.**

He was the second son of sir
ThomasJ Honeywood, knight,
of Evington, Kent, and Jane,
daughter of Edward Hales, of
Tenterden, esq. In 1639 ^^
was sheriff of London, and
died in 1669, ^g^d eighty-one.
Hasted's Kent, iii. 309. I have
not been able to discover whe-
ther he was ever married, but
it seems not. His kinsmen,
sir Robert and sir Thomas
Honeywood, were violent es-
pousers of the parliamentary
cause. See Morant*s Essex,
II. 168.]

CKNT. xvL The Church History of Britain, 335

__P|'N this year began the suit betwixtA.D. 1565.
STi'l Robert Home, bishop ofWinchester, _LJ!i_
j and Edmund Bonner, late bishop ofb^^'"
London, on this occasion: All l>'shop8^^^^^
were empowered, by the statute gwmfo Bonner.
Elizaietha ^ to tender the oath of supremacy to all
persons living within their diocese"^. Now bishop
Bonner was within the diocese of Winchester full ill
against his will, (as being a prisoner in the Mar-
shalsea, in Southwark,) to whom Home offered this
oath, and he refused the taking thereof*'. Here-

b [5 Ellis, c. I, e. $.'] been singled out for yiersecu-

' ^ThiH was the celebrated tion, (for the rest of the popish

oath of BUpremacy enforced by clergy were not troubled by

parliament in the spring of the oath at first,) I cannot

1563, which all archbishops and divine. He was at that time

bishops were empowered to a prisoner in the Marshiilsea,

administer to their clergy. If in Southwark, and thus within

any refused to take it, the thejurisdiction of bishop Home

bishop administering the oath against his will. He could

was to certify this refusal into hardly be said to come within

the King's Bench within forty the scope of the act, for he

. days ; and if within three was surely not one of Home's

months the parties still refused, clergy. He must therefore have

they were subject to all the been subjected to this penalty,

same penalties as for cases of in order either to strike terror

high treason. Strype's Park, into the Romanists, (for Bonner

p. 114. Various perBons (to had by far the most courage of

their honour be it spoken) them all,) or to gratify the party

ai^ned against this act ; and if with whom Home was not po*

we may trust Strype, the arch- pular. However it might be, I

bishop himself was extremely cannot but reckon this a very

averse to enforcing it. lb. p. needless piece of torment, of

135. But the qaeen and her which the archbishop would

council drove him on against never have been guilty. But

hia will, taunting him with Home, who does not seem to

being too soft and easy ; the have been naturally a man of

■tate thus shewing, as in the amiable temper, and was twit-

prerious reign, no love for the ted by both papist and puritan,

church, except so for aa the (Fuller's Worthies, I. 48a,)

church might serve to promote might wish to shew bis sin-

itscrue>andimperiouBdesigns.] cerity, by this display of zeal

d [Why Bonner should have against Bonner.]

386 The Church History book ix.

A.D. 1565. upon his refusal was returned into the King's Bench,
— — and he indicted on the same. Being indicted, he

appeared there, confessed the fact, but denied him-
self culpable, and, intending to traverse the indict-
ment, desired that counsel might be assigned him.
Sir Robert Cateline, then chief justice, granted his
motion ; and no meaner than Plowden, that eminent
lawyer, Christopher Wray, (afterwards lord chief
justice,) and [William] Lovelace, were deputed his
counsel ®.
Bonner his 2. First, they pleaded for their client that Bonner

counsel

their first was iudictcd without the title and addition of bishop

^ ' of London, and only styled doctor of law, and one in
holy orders ; but the judges would not allow the
exception as legal, to avoid the indictment.

Second ex. 3. Sccoudly, they pleaded that the certificate
entered upon record was thus brought into the
court, tali die et anno per A, B. cancellarium dicti
episcopi Winton. and did not say per mandatum
episcopi ; for the want of which clause Bonner his
counsel took exceptions thereat, sed non allocatur^
because the record of it by the court is not of
necessity.

Main mat- 4- Pass wc by their third exception, that he was

ter debated

by the iudictcd upou that certificate in the county of Mid-
judges. dlesex by the common jury of inquest in the King's
Bench for that county; it being resolved by the
judges that his trial could not be by a jury of Mid-
dlesex, but by a jury of Surrey, of the neighbourhood
of Southwark. The main matter which was so much
debated amongst all the judges in the lord Cateline
his chamber was this :

*[See also the account of this trial in Strype, Annals, 1. 378.]

CJENT. XVI. of Britain. 387

" Whether Bonner could give in evidence of that a. d. 1566.
^ issue that he had pleaded of not guilty, that ^
** Home, bishop of Winchester, was not a bishop
*^ tempore oblationis sacramenti at the time wherein
" he tendered the oath unto Bonner."

And it was resolved by them all, that if the truth
of the matter was so indeed,, that he might give that
in evidence upon that issue, and that the jury might
tiy whether he was a bishop then or no ^.

5. Whilst this suit as yet depended, the queen called Divided by
a parliament, which put a period to the controversy, men^
and cleared the legality of Home his episcopacy, in

a statute ^ enacting '^ That all parsons that have been
** or shall be made, ordered, or consecrate, arch-
^ bishops, bishops, priests, ministers of God's holy
" word and sacraments, or deacons after the form **
" and order prescribed in the said order and form
" how archbishops, bishops, priests, deacons, and
^ ministers should be consecrated, made, and or^
" dered, be in very deed, and also by authority
" hereof, declared and enacted to be, and shall be,.
^' archbishops, bishops^ priests, ministers, and deacons^
" and rightly made, ordered, and consecrated : any
** statute, law, canon, or other thing to the coiitrary
" notwithstanding."

6. However it immediately followeth, " Provided a favoop-

able pco^

" always, and nevertheless be it enacted by the au- Wso*
^ thority ^foresaid,, that no parson, or pajrsons shall

^ Dyer, fol, 234. Mich. 6 6 of Edw. VI. c. i. But this

et 7. £l]z. placito 1 5. act^ sanctioning the late episco-i

B [Eliz. c. I .] pal appointments, was passed

b [That 18, the form of con- five years after the first movn

secration in the Common Prayer ing of the controversy between

Book sanctioned by stat. ^ and Home and Bonner.]

rULLE^, VOL.. IV^ %

888 The Church Historic book rx^

A. D. 1567. « at any time hereafter be impeached or molested in

^ ^^ body, lands, livings, or goods, by occasion or mean

« of any certificate, by any archbishop or bishop
" heretofore made, or before the last day of this
" present session of parliament ta be made, by virtue
*' of any act made in the first session of parliam^it,
" touching or concerning the refusal of the oath
** declared and set forth by act of parliament in the
" first year of the reign of our said sovereign kidy
" queen Elizabeth : any thing in this act or any
" other act or statute heretofore made to the con-
** trary notwithstanding."
Their suit 7. The Seasonable interposing of this statute

superseded. x o

made it a drawn battle betwixt Home and Bonner^
The former part thereof, here alleged, cleared Home
his episcopacy from all cavils of law; the latter
proviso was purposely inserted in favour of Bonner,
(who here himself found that which he never shewed
to others,) that he, as all other popish bishops de«
prived, might be no more molested for refiising the
oath of supremacy. The parliament saw they had
already lost their livelihood and liberties for their
erroneous consciences, and had received their thirty-
nine stripes, more than which the state thought not
fit to inflict, lest their justice should degenerate into
cruelty.
Malice g. The cnactinff of this statute did not stop the

pleased nor ^ ^ '■

full nor railing mouths of papists against our bishops, but
"* * ^ only made them alter their note and change their
tune in reviling them. Formerly they condemned
them as illegal, whose calling was not suflSciently
warranted by the laws of the land ; henceforward
Sanders and others railed on them for parliamentary
bishops, deriving all their power and commission

CXMT. X.VI. of Britain. 889

from the state ^ But as well might the Jesuits tenn a. d. 1567.

Shemaiah, Nethaniah, prerogative Levites \ because !l—

sent by Jehoshaphat to preach the word to the people
of the land ; for that good king did not give, but
quicken and encourage their commission to teach, as
here the parliament did only publish, notiiy, and
declare the legal authority of the English bishops,
whose call and consecration to their place was for-
merly performed, derived from apostolical, or at
leastwise ecclesiastical institution.

9. These were the prime of the first set of puri- The ring-
tans, which, being very aged, expired for the mostl^^d
part at or about this time, when behold another ^^^^.
generation of active and zealous nonconformists suc-
ceeded them. Of these Coleman, Button, Haling-

ham, and Benson, (whose Christian names I cannot
recover,) were the chief, inveighing against the esta-
blished church discipline, accounting every thing
from Rome which was not from Geneva, endeavour-
ing in all things to conform the government of the
English church to the presbyterian reformation.
Add these three more, though of inferior note to
the aforesaid quaternion: William White, Thomas
Rowland, Robert Hawkins, all beneficed within the
diocese of London, and take a taste of their spirits
out of the register thereof

10. For this very year these three were cited to Their judg-
appear before Edmund Grindal, bishop of London, the queen.
one who did not run of himself ; yea, would hardly
answer the spur in pressing conformity. The bishop

asked them this question :

" Have we not a godly prince ? Speak, is she

' evil ^ r

• De Schism. Ang. pag. 349. J 2 Chron. xvii. 8.

z 21

840

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1567. To which thev made their several answers, in

8 EHs. '

I I manner following :

William White. " What a question is that the
** fruits do shew."

Thomas Rowland. " No, but the servants of God
are persecuted under her."

Robert Hawkins. *^Why, this question the pro-
phet may answer in the Psalms: How can they
have understanding that work iniquity y spoiling my.
people^ and that extol vanity ^ f"
Wonder not, therefore, if the queen proceeded
severely against some of them, commanding them to
be put into prison, though still their party daily
increased.
Tiw death n. Nicholas Wotton died this year, dean at the

of Dr. Wot- , ^

ton. same time of Canterbury and York ; so that these

two metropolitan churches, so often contesting about
their privileges, were reconciled in his preferment.
He was doQtor of both, laws, and some will say of

^ The Register of London,
P' 33* [The full title of this
rare and curious book is as
follows : " Put of a Register
" containing sundry memorable
" Matters written by divers
'^ godly and learned in our
'' time, which stand for and
^^ desire the Reformation of
^ our Church in Discipline and
*' Ceremonies, according to the
" pure Word of God and the
**^^ Law of our Land.** No
printer's n^me ; np date, l^t
was probably printed about the
year 1586, but certainly never
liipensed ; ixstt it contains fbitty-
two tracts written against the
bishops and the discipline of
ih^e church, some oi^ whiph, were

forbidden to be printed : as
" The Unlawful Practice of
" Prelates." by J. Penry. It
is the most important collection
of tracts, for displaying the
temper and doctrine of the
earlier puritans, of any ever
formed^ and furnishes unsus-
picious evidence on these topics
—that of the parties them-
selves.]

1 [A detailed account of this
conference is given by Strype,
ia his Life of Gbrindal, p. 1 14^
sq. It is extremely character,
isliic of these despisers of
dominion ajid evil speakers
against dignities. Their Chris-
tian names will be found in
3trype, ibid. 1,3.6.].

tJENt. XVI.

"of Britain.

341

both gospels, who, being privy ceunseUor to king a. d. 1567.
Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, queen Mary, ■■■'■■
and queen Elizabeth, never overstrained his con-
science, such his oily compliance in all alterations.
However, he was a most prudent man, and happily
active in those many embassies wherein he was em-
ployed ^.

12. The Romanists were neither ignorant not to Harding
observe, nor idle not to improve, the advantage 3":^ bSp
lately given them by the discords betwixt the bishops JanS.^**^"
und nonconformists; and now, to strengthen their
party, two most active fugitive priests (Thomas Har-
ding and Nicholas Saunders) return into England,
and that episcopal power which they had lately
received from the pope they largely exercised on
the papists :

i. Absolving all English in the court of con-
iscience who returned to the bosom of their church.

ii. Dispensing with them in cases of irregularity,
^ving such which proceeded from wilful murder.

iii. Even from irregularity of heresy, on condition

((

™ [Lloyd says of him, in his
strange bantering way, '* This
** was that rare man that was
" made for all business, so dex-
" terous ! This ti^as he that
was made for all times, so
complying ! This was he
" who lived doctor of both
•* laws^ and died -doctor of both
** gospels^ the protestant which
"had the statesman's part of
" this man, and the popish
^ which had the Christian.
** Noah had two faces, (being
" called BiFrons,) because he
" was a son of the old world
*' before the flood, and a father

" of the new after. Wotton
" sure had four faiths, who
** was a favourite in king
** Henry's days, of the council
" in king Edward's, of the
'^ junctb*s in queen Mary's,
" and the second statesman in
" queen Elizabeth's." Onething
this author adds, which is not
of much weight, that Dr, Wot-
ton, as being dean of Canter,
bury and the best civilian of
the time, by admitting Dr. Par-
ker to that see, must have re-
-cognised the legality of the
archbishop's consecration. State
Worthies, I. 122.]

842 The Church History book ix.

^' ^w^' ^^^ ^^® party to be absolved refrained three years

from the ministry of the altar ".

Very earnest they were in advancing the catholic
cause, and perverted very many to their own erro-
neous opinions.

Queen oi 13. Mary queen of Scots, ill-used at home by her

Soots comes i • i i . t^ i i -i

intoEng- owu subjocts, made an escape into iLnglana, and
May 1 7. landed at Wirkington in Cumberland; the state part
of whose sufferings we leave to civil historians, con-
fining ourselves to the imprinted passages concerning
religion, beginning with her letter to the pope :

" Most holy Father <>,
Nov. 30, « After the kissing of your most holy feet, I
" having been advertised that my rebels and their
^ fautours that retain them in their countries have
** wrought so effectually by their practices, that it
** hath been related unto the king of Spain, my lord
" and good brother, that I am become variable in
" the catholic religion, although I have within some
" days past written to your holiness, devoutly to kiss
" your feet, and recommending me unto you, I do
** now again most humbly beseech you to hold me
" for a most devout and a most obedient daughter
** of the holy catholic Roman church, and not to
" give faith unto those reports which may easily
" come, or shall hereafter come to your ears, by
" means of the false and calumnious speeches which
*' the said rebels and other of the same sect have
" caused to be spread abroad, that is to say, that I

A Camd. £liz. in this year. stowed on me by James

o Her letter to pope Pius [Usher,] archbishop of Ar-

Quintus, (hitherto never print, magh. Translated out of the

ed,) the copy whereof was, Italian. [It is printed in Gate-

with many other rarities, be- na's Life of Pius V., p. 301.]

tEUT. XVI. nf' Britain. 348

**liave changed my religion, thereby to deprive me a. 0.1568.

" of your holiness' grace, and the favour of other -! —

** catholic princes. The same hath touched my heart
** so much, tliat I could not fail to write again of
" new to your holiness, to complain and bemoan
** myself of the wrongs and of the injuries which
they do unto me. I beseech the same most
hxmibly to be pleased to write in my favour to the
'* devout Christian princes and obedient sons of your
" holiqess, exhorting them to interpose their credit
^' and authority which they have with the queen of
** England, in whose power I am, to obtain of her
** that she will let me go out of her country, whither
^' I came, secured by her promises, to demand aid of
^ her agsunst my rebels ; and if nevertheless she
" will retain me, by all means yet that she will
" permit me to exercise my religion, which hath
** been forbidden to me, for which I am grieved and
^ vexed in this kingdom, insomuch as I will give you
*^ to understand what subtleties my adversaries have
used to colour these calumniations against me.
They so vn-ought that an English minister was
sometimes brought to the place where I am straitly
kept, which was wont to say certain prayers in the
vulgar tongue ; and because I am not at my own
•* liberty, nor permitted to use any other religion, I
have not refused to hear him, thinking I had com-
mitted no error. Wherein nevertheless, most holy
" father, if I have offended or failed in that or any
** thing else, I ask misericm^dia of your holiness,
** beseeching the same to pardon and to absolve
" me, and to be sure and certain that I have never
** bad any other vrill than constantly to live the most
•* devout and most obedient daughter of the holy

z 4

844 The Church History Book i:^.

A. D. 1568." catholic Roman church, in which I will live and

*• die according to your holiness' advices and pre-

** cepts. I offer to make such amends and penance
" that all catholic princes, especially your holiness,
^* as monarch of the world, shall have occasion to
** rest satisfied and contented with me. In the mean
•* time I will devoutly kiss your holiness' feet, praying
God long to conserve the same for the benefit of
his holy church.

Written from Castle Bolton p, the last of No-
** vember, 1568.

^* The most devout and obedient
" Daughter to your Holiness,
" The Queen of Scotland, Widow of Prance,

« Maria."

1 meet not with the answer which his holiness
returned unto her, and for the present leave this
lady in safe custody, foreseeing that this her ex-
change of letters with foreign princes, and the pope
especially, vrill finally cause her destruction.
ITm death 14. Thomas Young, archbishop of York, died at
Young, Sheffield, and was buried in his own cathedral. He
rfYw^ plucked down the great hall at York, built by Tho-
mas, his predecessor, five hundred years before ; so
June a6. far did plumbi sacra fames (desire to gain by the
lead) prevail with him. Yet one presumeth to
avouch that all that lead in effect proved but dross
unto him, being in fine defeated of the profit
thereof^. He was the first protestant English bishop
that died in the days of queen Elizabeth *".

P The lord Scroop his hoUse 23 1 , See a further account of

in Yorkshire, where sir Francis him in Wood*8 Athen. I. 696.]

Knowles was her keeper. ^ [His conduct, to all appear.

q Sir J. Harrington^ t^I. p. ance, was not very commend-

ClENT. XVI.

of Britain.

345

15, Thomas Piercy, earl of Northumberland, and a. d. 1560.
C^iarles Neviil, earl of Westmoreland, brake out into '*.
t)])en wbellion against the queen ; lords of right noble uon of thJ
extraction and large revenue, whose titles met with North^m-
their estates in the northern parts, and indeed the ^ria^^d and

Westmore*

height of their honour was more than the depths land.
of their judgment. These intended to restore the
Romish religion, set free the queen of Scots, pre-
tending much zeal for the liberty of the people and
honour of the nation, complaining of queen Elizabeth
her neglect of the ancient nobility, and advancing
mean persons to the places of 'highest trust and
command ; though indeed, could she have made her
noblemen wise, as she did her wise men noble, these
earls had never undertaken this rebellion. Nume-
rous their tenants in the north, and their obligations
the higher for the low rent they paid ; though now,
Alas ! poor souls, they paid a heavy fine, losing their
iives in the cause of their landlords ^.

16. Their first valout was to fight against the More su-
English Bible and service-book in Durham, tearing AMi\n*^
them in pieces; and, as yet unable to go to the^^*^**
cost of saying mass, for want of vestments, they

able. See the censure passed
upon him by his successor^
archbishop Grindal, in Strype's
life of that prelate^ p. 172.]

■ [See a full account of this
northern rebellion in Strype's
An. 1.583, sq.. Grind. 138, sq.
Sanders^ in his narrative of this
rising, says that the people were
instigated to it by a certain priest,
Dr. Nicholas Morton, an Eng-
lishman ; ^' unnm ex presbyte-
" ris qui poenitentiis indicendis
" Romie praeerant ;" and that
he was sent for this purpose

into England by Pius V. De
Visibili Monarchia, p. 706.
Undoubtedly one of the chief
instigators of it was the queen
of Scots, who, finding by the
imprisonment of the duke of
Norfolk that she could not
regain her freedom, despatched
a secret message to the two
earls, to assist her in her pur-
pose by effecting a general ris-
ing. See Dodd's Church Hist.
III. p. 6, n., and sir Cuthbert
Sharp's memorials of this plot,
taken from authentic papers.]

S46 The Church History book ix.

A- ^•1569- began with the cheapest piece of popery, holy water;

their wells plentifully affording water, and Plumtree

the priest quickly conferring consecration *. After-
N0T.20. wards, better provided, they set up mass in most
places where they came ; Richard Norton, an ancient
and aged gentleman, carrying the cross before them,
and others bearing in their banners the five wounds
of Christ, or a chalice, according to their different
devices ". No great matter was achieved by them,
save the taking of Baynard's Castle, in the bishopric,
which indeed took itself in effect, the defenders
thereof being destitute of victuals and provisions.

Routed by 17, But hearing how the garrisons of Carlisle and

the queen ,

her forces. Borwick wero manned against them on their backs,
and the earl of Sussex ^ advancing out of the south
with an army to oppose them, their spirits quickly
sunk ; and being better armed than disciplined,
wanting expert commanders, (how easily is a rout
routed !) they fled northwards, and mouldered away
without standing a battle. *
AniuOuui 18. An Italian author y, writing the life of pope
reckoning Pius Quiutus, givoth US this brief account of this

without his _ j»i.» _

host expedition :

'* They did not overrun the kingdom as they ought
to have done, and followed after Elizabeth, for
which they could not have wanted followers
enough ; but they stood still, and not being able
to maintain themselves long in the field for want
of money, they finally withdrew themselves into
" Scotland without any thing doing."

t [Afterwards executed for * [Thomas Ratcliffe.]

the same. See Sanders, ib. p. y [Vita del glor. Papa PioV.,

708.] scritta da Girol. Catena. Romse^

™ Stow's Chron. p. 662. 1587, p. 115.]

CJBNT. xyr.

of Britain,

347

So easy it is for this author's fancy (which scaleth a.d. 1569.
the highest walls without ladders, gaineth the strait- — — —
est passes without blows, crosses the deepest rivers
without bridge, ford, or ferry) to overrun England ;
though otherwise this handful of men (never ex-
ceeding six hundred horse and four thousand foot)
were unlikely to run through other shires, who could
aot stand a blow in their own county.

19. Northumberland fled into Scotland, lurked Northum.
there a time, was betrayed to earl Murray, sent with many
back into England, and beheaded at York ^. West- U^^^^exe^
morelaad made his escape into Flanders, (the wisest ^^'
work that ever he did,) where he long lived very
poor on a small and ill-paid pension \ Many were
executed by sir George Bowes, knight marshal,
every market town being then made a shire town
for his assizes betwixt Newcastle and Witherby,
(about sixty miles in length and forty in breadth \)
much tOTrifying those parts with his severity; in-
isomuch that when, next year, Leonard Dacre ^ put

* [Morton, who succeeded
Murray as regent, delivered
him up to the queen for a sum
of monev« Dodd, III. 9. He
was beneaded August 22nd,

I57a0

* [A very unfavourable cha-
racter is given of the earl, in a
pamphlet entitled '' Execution
" for Justice, and not for Re-
" ligion," published in 1583,
aod supposed to be written by
lord treasurer Burleigh. But
as it is the production of one
politically opposed to the earl,
and not very scrupulous in his
political conduct, it ought not
to carry much weight with it.
Speaking of those who were
engaged in various risings and

conspiracies against the queen,
the writer says, ** Out of Eng.
" land fled Charles Nevill, earl
'* of Westmoreland, a person
" utterly wasted by looseness
" of life, and by God's punish-
" ment, even in the time of
" his rebellion, bereaved of his
" children that should have
" succeeded him in the earl-
** dom ; and how his body is
" now eaten with ulcers of lewd
" courses all his companions do
'* see, that no enemy he had
*' can wish him a viler punish-
*• ment."]

^ Stow*s Chron. p. 664.

c [Second son of William
lord Dacre, of Gillesland. See
the occasion of this rebellion in

348

The Church History

:book IX.

A. D. 1569. together the ends of the quenched bands of this

rebellion, with intent to rekindle them, they would

not take fire ; but by the vigilancy and valour of the
lord Hunsdon his design was seasonably defeated*
Theexecu- 20. John Story, doctor of law, a cruel persecutor
Story. in the days of queen Mary, (being said for his share
to have martjrred two or three hundred,) fled after-
wards over into Brabant, and because great with
duke D'Alva, (like cup, like cover,) he made him
searcher at Antwerp for English goods*; where, if
he could detect either Bible or heretical books (as
they termed them) in any ship, it either cost their
persons imprisonment or goods confiscation ^ But
now, being trained into the ship of Mr. Parker, an
Englishman, the master hoisted sail, (time and tide,
wind and water consenting to that design,) and over
was this tyrant and traitor brought into England",
where, refusing to take the oath of supremacy, and
professing himself subject to the king of Spain, he
was executed at Tyburn ; where, being cut down
half dead, after his privy members were cut off^, he
rushed on the executioner, and gave him a blow on
the ear, to the wonder (saith my author) of all the
standers by ; and I, who was uot there, wonder
more that it was not recounted amongst the Romish
miracles &•

Carleton*8 Thank. Rememb. 25.
He also escaped into the Low
Countries, and died in a poor
estate, at Lou vain.]

d [Camden, ann.1569,157 1 .]

* Fox, Acts and Mon. vol.
III. p. 1023.

f Pox, ut prius.

S [A very interesting ac-
count of Dr. Storj- and his
execution, (written by a pro-

testant who witnessed his suf-
ferings,) will be found in Mor-
gan's Phoenix Britannicus^. The
writer seems astonished that
Dr. Story should have so fully
ptofessed his only hope in
Christ's merits for his justifica-
tion and salvation. It contains
also the best exculpation of
Story's conduct daring queen
Mary's reign.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 849

21. The old store of papists in England began a. d. 1569,

now very much to diminish and decay, insomuch 1-

that the Romanists perceived they could not spend ginai ofthe.
at this rate out of the main stock, but it would ^^^^
quickly make them bankrupt. Prisons consumed *^y°^** *^

* ^ ^ seas.

many, age moe, of their priests, and they had no
place in England whence to recruit themselves. Tlie
largest cistern with long drawing will grow dry, if
wanting a fountain to feed the daily decay thereof.
Hereupon they resolved to erect colleges beyond the
seas^ for English youth to have their education
therein j a project now begun, and so effectually
prosecuted, that within the compass of fifty years
nine colleges were by them founded and furnished
with students, and they with maintenance, as by the
following catalogue may appear, as they stood at the
last year of king James. Since, no doubt, they have
been enlarged in greatness, increased in number,
enriched in revenues, as such who shall succeed us
in continuing this story may report to posterity.
May they at my request, if having the conveniences
of leisure and instructions, be pleased to perfect this
my catalogue, and replenish the vacuities thereof
with their more exact observations. And let no
papists laugh at our light mistakes, protestants not
pretending to such exact intelligence of their col-
leges as they have of ours ; indeed they have too
critical instructions of all our English societies by
their agents living amongst us ; and it is a bad sign
when suspicious persons are over-prying to know the
windows, doors, all the passages and contrivances, of
their neighbours' houses, as intending therein some
design for themselves.

860

The Church History

BOOK IX,

A. D. 1569-
12 Eliz.

College.

Founder.

Bemifactors,

M^ns.

[Colleges
abroad.
I. Dooay.]

1
1

I.
Douay CoDege,
in Flanders,
founded 1568.
Thence (for
fear of the
wars) removed
to Rheims in
France, about
1578, where
Henry the
Third, king
of France, did
patronise and
protect them ;
and some 20
[or rather 15]
years after
brought back
hither again b.

Philip the Se-
cond, king of
Spain.

All the recu-
sants in Eng-
land.

A pension [of 2000
crowns] out of the
king of Spain*8 trea-
sury, which being
sometimes but badly
paid, the scholars are
fain to feed on pa-
tience. [It was to-
tally withdrawn on
the removal of Dr.
Worthington in 1 6 1 3.]

2. A yearly Defection
from the catholics of
England.

3. Sale of masses, ridi
men^s mortiuu^es,
which also are the
staple maintenance of
all odi«r colleges i.

N'umber.

Rectors. Eminent Scholars.

Uncertain, but nu-
merous; for here
they do not pick
and choose for wit
or wealth, as in
other colleges, but
they receive all that
come unto them.

[In 1580 there were
no less than 112
convictors in the
house Dr. Barret
was rector in 1 5 95.]

1. William Allen, (afterwards
cardinal, a principal pro-
curer and advancer of this
foundation. He died 1594.

2. Thomas Worthington, (of
an ancient family in Lan-
cashire,) rector 1609.

3. Matthew Kellison, (a
Northamptonshire man,)
rector 1624.

Note, That whereas the go-
vernment of all other Eng-
lish colleges belongs to Je-

- suits, this only is ruled by
secular priests.

Dr. Webb, whom
they brag to be the
best casuist in the
world. He lived
to sing his Mass of
Jubilee, having
been a prieet fuH
fifty years.

^ [Sanders de Schism. Ang.
p. 364, et in App. p. 98. Li
the year 17 13 there was pub-
lished a pamphlet, now very
rarely met with, entitled ** The
" History of the English Col-
" lege at Douay, from its first
" Foundation in 1568 to the
'* present Time, &c. Collected
" from original Manuscripts,
*' Letters, and unquestionable
'• Informations upon the Place.
*' By R. C, Chaplain to an
'* English Regiment that
" marched in upon its surren-

*' dering to the Allies." To
this an Answer was published
the same year by Keirn.

See also Dodd's Church His-
tory. III. p. 158. One of the
chief advancers of this founda-
tion was Dr. John Vandeyelt,
regius professor of the canoa
law in the uuivefsity of Douay;
and the first person who gave a
sum of money towards pur-
chasing a house for the pur-
pose was Morgan Philips, late
provost of Oriel.]

i [According to Dodd> theiv

CKNT. XVI.

of BHtain.

861

College.

Founder.

Benefactor.

Means.

a.
College of
Rome,
founded

1579 *•

Gregory the
Xlllth, pope,
exhibited
maintenance,
first to six,
then to four-
teen, at last to
threescore
scholars there-
in, to the
yearly value
of four thou-
sand crowns.

Owen Lewis,
referendary
apostolical,
[archdeacon
of Cambray,]
was a prin-
cipal promoter
thereof.

The Welsh Hospital in
Rome, (founded and en-
dowed many hundred
years since by Cadwalla-
der, king of Wales, for
M^elsh pilgrims,) with the
rich lands thereof, con-
ferred by pope Gregoiy
the Xlllth on this col-
lege. They have at Fres-
cata, (which is the pope*s
simimer housej lying some
ten miles east of Rome,)
three or four farms, where
corn for the coll^ and
other provision groweth ™.

1
Number, Rectors. Eminent Scholars,

One hundred at the

1 least ; but Italian air

1 not 'weH agreeing

with English bodies,

they bury yearly ten

or twelve of their

fieshxnen.

Note, That whereas,

tnno 1 5 7 6, there were

bat thirty old priests

remaining in this

! reahn, these two col-

1 leges alone, within

j kw years, sent above

, three hundred priests

into England n.
1

1. Dr. Maurice [Clenock] .
He was removed out of
his place for being too
favourable to his coun-
trymen, the "Welsh 0.

[i 5 79. Alphonso Agazzari.

1594. Jerome Fioravante.

1595. Mudus Vitelleschi.

1596. Alph. Agazzari.]

2. Ferdinando, a Neapo-
litan Jesuit, succeeded
him. (?)

3. Robert Persons, rector
for twenty-three years,
from 1587 to 1610, when
he died.

4. Thomas Fitzherbert,
one of great age and
parentage, rector 1623.

Francis Monfort, who,
anno 1592, being to
depart the college for
England, took his
farewell of pope Cle-
ment the Eighth,
with so passionate a
Latin oration p that
it fetched tears from
the tender heart of his
holiness. This Mon-
fort, some months
after, was executed
in England.

A.D. 1569-.
I2£liz.

[2. Rome.}

only certain income is an an-
nual pension of 2000 crowns
paid by the pope. lb. 161.]

1 [Sanders ut supra. Dodd,
ib, 167.]

>n [According to Dodd, its
jearly revenue amounted to
i8oof. lb. 169, n.]

^ [One of their own writers
says Uiat the colleges at Rheims
and Rome were the most fa-
mous; the former supporting
two hundred, the latter seventy
students. Bagshaw, Decl. Mo-

tuum, &c. p. 82. He also
states, in reply to the boast of
the Jesuits who claimed the
merit of building many semi-
naries for the education of Ro.
man catholics, that the evils
which had been inflicted by
them on the seminaries of
Douay and Rome, built by the
influence of cardinal Alan, were
by no means counterbalanced
by the foundation of new col-
leges ; that fewer priests were
now sent into England from

85S

The Church Histoty

BOOK a.

A. D. 1569. the whole combined than ori-
%^ Eliz. ginally from the two only.
Formerly any persons were ad-
mitted into these seminaries,
whatever might be their birth
or eircumstances ; but that the
Jesuits (in 1601) had altered
things so much for the worse,
that the number of scholars at
Douay, including doctors and
servants, (doctoribus et famu-
lis,) was limited to sixty, and
students only of good family
and fortune were received. The
students in the Roman college,
according to the same autho.
rity, had also decreased from
seventy to forty ; and the Je-
suits ruled throughout all these
institutions, which was produc-
tive of much dissension, and
greatly prejudicial to the suc-
cess of the Roman catholic
cause. Bagshaw, ib. pp. 83,
84. But these observations,
as proceeding from a violent
enemy of the Jesuits, must be
received with caution.]

Q [Such also is Ant. Mun-
day's account of the quarrel, in
his English-Roman Life, chap.
VI., reprinted in the Harleian
Miscellany, vol. II. p. 1 98, ed.
1 809. But Watson, a secular
priest, attributes the removal
of Morrice to the plots and
ambition of the Jesuits ; " which
'' was nothing else," he ob-
serves, "but a canvas to dis-
** grace that reverend prelate
** Dr. Lewis, a Welshman born,
** afterwards bishop of Cassana,.
'* by putting master Morrice
** from the rectorship of that
** college whereunto Dr. Lewis
*' had preferred him : the which
*' college was first founded as
" an hospital by Briton and
" after English -Sax.on kings

<€

and princes of this land, for
" the relief of such as went on
pilgrimage to visit those holy
places dedicated unto God's
saints . and servants by the
*' memorable martyrdom of
" thirty- three popes, betwixt
" St. Peter and St. Silvester
'* the First, under whom the
" catholic Roma» church had
'* peace and perfect quiet. Thb
'* hospital.being now translated
'* into a college by Dr. Lewis's
'* means, then archdeacon ta
'* the bishop of Cambray, and
" refendary to the pope, at that
*' time was enriched with the
'* pension of an abbacy by Gre-
" gory XIII., of all holy roe-
*' mory, at what time a& car^
" dinal Allen erected the cd^
*' lege at Rheims in France,
'^ for the same end.*' Quod-
libets, p. 2 ; see also pp. 96,
97 ; and this is supported by
Lewis Owen in his Running
Register, p. iS, who had him-
self been a Jesuit. The Jesuits'
own account of the matter will
be found in the fifth chapter
of Father Parsons* Apology^
written against the secular
priests, and in More, p. 56.

Further information touchi
ing the foundation of these
societies will be found in
Bridgewater*s Concertatio, p.
251, sq., and in Ribadeneira's
Appendix to Saunders, De
Schismate Anglicano.]

P Sanders de Schism. AngK
in Append, p. 119. Image of
both Churches, 470, [by P.D.M.|
that is, Mat. Pattison, a Ro-
manist. (See Wood's Ath. II.
763.) The first edition was.
printed at Tornay, 1623 ; the
second at London^ ^^53*] ^^'^
deirs de Schism. Angl. pag. 365^

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

353

College,

Founder,

Ben^actora,

Means,

3-
College of

Vallado-

lid,in01d

Castile,

founded

1589*1.

Philip the
Second,
king of
Spain.

Dona I^uysa de Ca*
ravajal, a rich widow
lady in Spain, gave
all her estate (being
very great) to this
college, and came
over into England,
where she died.

[Gaspar de Quiroga,
cardinal of Toledo.]

[The duchess of Feria.]

[Don Alphonso de
Quinones.]

[Don Francisco de
Mendoza, bishop of
Jara.]

Tiands they have not
purchased much in
Spain, being loth the
Spaniard should take
notice of their wealth;
but great suras of mo-
ney they have at use
in Brabant. As also
with English factors in
Spain, perverted to
their persuasion, they
have a great stock in
trading.

[Annual income, 4000
crowns.]

Number,

Rectors,

Eminent Scholars r.

They are fe
than form
since the
court was
by Philip t
from Vallj
Madrid.

wer now
erly, ever
Spanish
removed
he Third
Eidolid to

[I
[3

. Dr. Stillington.]
. Father Ceciliano.]
. Pedro de Guzman.]
ither Walpole, if not rector,
nras principal actor herein
ibout the year 1605 ; when,
)y pretending to have gained
Mr. Pickering Wotton (son
md heir to lord Wotton) to
;he Romish church, he got
ibove five hundred pound to
lis colle^ s.

A. D. 1569.
12 Eliz.

[Vallado-
lid.]

^ [Sanders de Schism. Ang.
in App. p. 102. Dodd, ib. p.
174. All these colleges were
founded with a view of provid-
ing fitting instruments for the
conversion of England to the
Roman catholic faith, and were
greatly indebted to the zeal
and activity of father Parsons.
But the college of Valladolid
was the first to produce a hand-
sel of the desired harvest, send-
ioffout annually twelve mission.
anas into England immediately
after its foundation. According
to fieither Parsons, this was the
'Occasion of the severe edict
passed against the Jesuits in
the year 1591. Andrese Philo-

¥ULLER, VOL. IV.

patri Responsio ad edictum
Elizabethae, &c., p. 6, ed. 1 593.]
r [The number of the stu-
dents in this seminary was at
first no more than four ; after-
wards they increased to thirty-
six, (Strype's An. IV. 99 ;)
and in the year 1596 they
amounted to sixty. See Ju-
venc. Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 160.
Father Parsons wrote a little
book in Spanish, giving an ac-
count of the college, and the
end of its foundation. This
work he dedicated to the king's
daughter^ and thus increased
the fame of the institution.
Strype, ib. Of this book I
have never been able to find

A a

354

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1569. Know that sir Francis Inglefield, privy counsellor
^to queen Mary, forsaking his fair estate in Berk-
shire, in the first of queen Elizabeth, fled beyond
the sea. He afterwards was a bountiful benefactor
to the college at Valladolid ; yea, he is beheld by
the English papists as a benefactor-general to their
nation, for the privileges he procured them from
pope Gregory the Thirteenth, whereof hereafter.
He lieth buried in this college, and his grave is
shewn with great respect to travellers of our country
coming thither.

[Seville.]

College.

Founder,

Benefactors,

Means.

4.
Collie of

SeviUe,
founded
1592 ».

Philip the
Second,
king of
Spain.

Our English merchants
and factors there re-
siding, even often
against their own
wills, to secure them-
selves from the search,
ers in the inquisition.
So that it is a nemo
tcit, what here is got-
ten for a ne noceant,

[The bishop of Jaca.
See above, p. 3530

[Father Parsons.]

[Donna Anna de £s-
pinosa, 7000 crowns,
and her two brothers
6000.]

They have a box in every
ship sailing to the West
Indies. Upon it is the
picture of St. Thomas
Becket, on the octaves
of whose day this col-
lege forsooth was first
founded; and into it,
through an hole in the
lid thereof, merchants
put in their devotion.
The key of this, not
Christmas, but all-the-
year-long box is kept
by the rector of the col-
lege, who onlv knoweth
to how much this money
amounteth.

N^umber.

Rector,

Eminent Scholars,

[Franciscus Peralta.]

[John Worthington.]
[Richard Walpole.]
[Henry Floyd.]

any infonnation ; though I
have met with a little tract in
Spanish, of a similar argument,
bearing the following title :
*• Relacion ce un Sacerdote
** Ingles, escrita a Flandres, a
•* un cavallero de su tierra, de-
** sterrada par ser Catolieo : en
*Ma qual le da cuenta de la
'* venida de su Magestad a
" Valladolid, y al Colegio de
'^ los Ingleses, y lo que alte se

(«

((

" hizo en su recebimiento.

*' Traduzida de lugles en
'* Castellano per Tomas Ecle-
sal cavallero Ingles. En Ma-
drid," &c. 1592. i2mo.]
8 See this forgery at large
in Lewis Owen's Running Re-
gister, p. 59, to whom I am
much beholding for my instruc-
tions in this subject.

t [Sanders de Schism. Ang.
in App. p. 102. Mori Hist.

CENT. XVI. of Britain, S55

Here expect not of me a discovery (being no spy -A., d. 1569.

by profession) of tbe cunning contrivances whereby - — :

these Jesuits pass and repass the seas, without any convey-
detection, yea, suspicion of them ; sometimes underpass over
the protection of a pass procured from some lords of ® *^^
the privy council for a young gentleman to go over
into France, with two or three of his serving men, to
learn the language; sometimes they shuffle them-
selves into the company of an ambassador or his
menial servants, and so cover their private falsehood
under his public iaith. Many English gentlewomen,
intended for nuns, are first veiled, before their going
beyond seas, under pretence of travelling to the spa
for their healths. In their return for England, these
Jesuits have found the farthest way about for them
the nearest way home ; for, out of France or Spain,
first they will sail into the Low Countries, and
thence into England; and so, coming immediately
out of protestant parts, escape without any or with
easy examination ; and yet these curious engineers,
who fly so high and carry their conveyances so far
above all common discovery, have sometimes one of
their wheels or strings broken, and then down they
fall into Newgate or some other prison, notwith-
standing all their verbal and real equivocations.

Soc. Jesu, p. 159. Dodd, ib. letter, describing its origin and

p. 178. Juvencius apparently progress, is published in Dodd*s

refers the foundation of this Church History, App. No.

seminary to the year 1591. LXIL]
Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 214. A

A a 2

956

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1569.
I a Ehz.

[SLOmer.]

[Madrid.]

College.

Founder.

Benefactors.

Meane.

5-
Saint
Omers,
in Artois,
founded
about the
year
1596 «.

Philip the
Second,
who gave
them a good
annuity,
for whose
soul they
say every
day a mass,
and every
year an
obitum.

English catholics, es-
pecially the parents
or friends of such
youths as here have
their education.

[George Talbot, earl
of Shrewsbury, by
whose interest the
duke of Bavaria set-
tled on the coll^^
the annual interest
of 200,000 florins.]

Watten Cloister, being
a most pleasant place,
with good land and
a fair wood, some
two leagues off. It
anciently belonged to
the Benedictines, of
whom the Jesuits
here bought it. Pope
Paulus Qui'itus and
the king of Spain
confirming their bar-
gain. It is said to
be worth five hun-
dred pounds a year.

Number.

Rector.

Eminent Scholars.

Well-nigh an hundred
of gentlemen's sons,
not as yet professed
Jesuits, though like
them in habit, but'
young scholars; be-
sides above twenty
Jesuits, (priests and
lay-brethren,) having
an inspection ovei*
them.

[i. Thomas Gerard.]

Though this college be of
English only, yet their rec-
tor generally is a Fleming,
and that out of a double
design: first, that he may
solicit their suits in that
country the better, by the
advantage of his language
and acquaintance ; secondly,
that they may the more co-
lourably deny such English
passengers as beg of them,
pleading that their rector,
being a stranger, will part
with no money, and they
have none of their own.

Father Fleck.
Father Floid.
Father Wilson.

College.

Founder.

Benefactors,

Means.

6.
College of Ma-
drid, in New
Castile, in
Spain, found-
ed 1606.

Joseph Cresswell,
Jesuit, with mo-
ney of the two
colleges of Valla-
dolid and Seville,
bought an house
here, and built a
college thereon.

What they gain by
soliciting of suits for
merchants and others
in the Spanish court.
The rest is supplied
imto this college from
the parents hereof;
I mean the two col-
leges of Valladolid
and Senile.

Number. | Rector.

Eminent Scholars.

[Lewis Owen's Running
Register, p. 3 and p. 73. Dodd,
II. p. 1 78, IV. 1 1 8. More, ib.

p. 161, 293. The foundation
was not finally settled until
1622.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

367

CoOege,

Founder.

Benefactor.

Means.

7-
College of Lou-
vain, in Bra-
bant, founded
about the year
1606 7.

PhUip the Third, king
of Spain, gave a cas-
tle, (then much de-
cayed, never much
defiensive for this
dty,) with a pension
to the English Je-
suits, to build them
a college tlierewith.

[Aloysia de Ca-
ravajal.]

Numher.

Rector, Eminent Scholars.

Uncertain, as much in
motion, and never all
resident here toge-
ther. [Removed
chiefly to Watten and
Liege.]

A.D. 1569.

\i Eliz.

[Louvain.]

CoUege,

Founder,

8.
College of
Liege, in
Luke-
land,
founded
1616 z.

The archbishop of Co-
logne (being at this
time also bishop of
Liege) gave them a
pension to live on,
and leave to build a
£ur college here.

Benefactors,

Means,

Many of the English no-
bility a and gentry, un-
der pretence of passing
to the spa for recovery
of their healths, here
drop much of their gold
by the way. It is
doubtful how soverngn
the spa-water will prove
to these passengers, but
certain that their gold
is cordial to these Je-
suits.

[Liege.]

Numher.

[In 1624 their num-
bers amounted to
«xty.]

Rector,

Eminent Scholars.

[Father John Gerard.]
[Father Henry Silis-

don.]
[Father Owen Shelley.]

Mr. Brown, brother to
the last viscount Mon-
tacute, in Sussex, be-
came here a Jesuit.

y [Dodd, IV. p. 1 20. The
date of the establishment may
be reckoned from 1607, when
a house was first hired for the
neception of students. In 1 6 1 2
the foundation of a college was
laid.'

^See a very interesting

account of this college in
an anonymous work, entitled
" Florus Anglo - Bavaricus.
*' Leodii, apud Gul. Hen.
'* Street." 1685. 4to. Proba-
bly composed by the members
of the college. It contains
much information respecting

A a 3

S58

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1569.
12 Eliz.

CoOege.

Founder.

Benefactor.

Means.

[Ghent]

9.b
College of Ghent)
in Flanders,
founded 1620.

Philip the Fourth,
who gave them a
pension.

[Anne, countess
of Arundel.]

Number. Rector.

Eminent Scholars.

One may observe a kind of gradation in these
colleges : St. Omers generally is for boys, to be
taught in grammar ; Rome for youths studying the
arts ; all the rest for men, (novices or professed
Jesuits,) save that Douay is for any, of what age
or parts soever. Compare these colleges amongst
themselves, Rome will appear the richest in visible,
Valladolid the cunningest in concealed, wealth ;
Douay the largest in men and straitest in means;
Liege getting the most from passengers on land;
Seville gaining the best by travellers at sea ; Madrid
wearing the bravest clothes, (where all the Jesuits
are constant courtiers ;) and St. Omers eating the
best meat, as nearest to England, whence many a
dainty bit is daily sent unto them.

the lives of the English stu-
dents ; particularly the second
part^ which contains an account
of the plot of Oates and Ben-
lowes.]

a [Particularly George Tal-
bot, ninth earl of Shrewsbury.
Florus Anglo-Bav. p. 8.]

^ [Besides these establish-
ments^ there was one at Lisbon,
another at Arras, and a tiiird
at Pont-a-Mou8son, of which
some account will be found in
Dodd. The duke of Guise

also founded a college at Eu,
(Aujii,) in Normandy, for re-
ceiving English youths and
instructing them in the Latin
tongue. This college was
founded in 1583, principally
through the interest of father
Parsons. During his lifetime
the duke contributed yearly
towards its support looZ. See
Mori Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 122.
Sacchini Hist. Soc. Jesu, pp.
30, 84. Juvencius Hist. Soc.
Jesu, p. 309.]

C£KT. xvi. of Britain, 859

22. It is incredible what a mass of money (much a. 0.1569.

in specie, more in exchange) was yearly made over

out of England for the maintenance of these col- of English

1 v'-L ^-L* ••! -I '-I catholics.

leges ; having here their provincials, sub-provincials,
assistants, agents, coadjutors, familiars, &c., who col-
lected vast sums for them, especially from catholics
possessed of considerable estates out of abbey-knds ;
his holiness dispensing with them, to hold the same
with a clear conscience, if bountiful on all such
occasions.

23. We will conclude all with the solemn oath The oath
which each student (arrived at man's estate) cere- EngHsh fu.
moniously sweareth, when admitted into one of these Seir^d *
colleges : "^^°''-

" I, A. B., one bred in this English college, con-
sidering how great benefits God hath bestowed
upon me, but then especially when he brought me
•* out of mine own country, so much infected with
heresy, and made me a member of the catholic
church, as also desiring with a thankful heart to
improve so great a mercy of God, have resolved to
offer myself wholly up to divine service, as much
as I may to fulfil the end for which this our
college was founded. I promise therefore, and
swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I
am prepared from mine heart with the assistance
of divine grace, in due time to receive holy orders,
and to return into England to convert the souls of
my countrymen and kindred, when and as often
as it shall seem good to the superior of this
college *^."
Be it remembered that our long vacation is their

c [Sanders de Schismate Anglicano in Append, p. 1 16.]

A a 4

€4

860

Tke Church Hutory

BOOK IX.

A.D.i569.chiefest term ; for in the months of August or Sep-
' ■ tember these colleges receive their annual supplies

of green students, and then despatch their ripe novi-
ciates for England; or, if you will, then take in
young spawn, and send their old frogs over hither
a-croaking. All that I will add is this: if covet-
ousness should prevail so far as to pluck down pro-
testant colleges in England, whilst superstition pre-
serves and increaseth popish seminaries beyond the
seas, sad would the sight be to behold the truth on
our side encumbered with ignorance, to encounter
falsehood on theirs advantaged with learning and
languages.

24. Pope Pius the Fifth had now long patiently
expected the amendment of queen Elizabeth, and,
weary with his waiting in vain, resolved at last (if
not wisely, valiantly) that, seeing desperate diseases
must have desperate cures, he would thunder his
excommunication against her, according to the tenor
following :

" A Sentence declaratory of our holy lord pope Pius
" Quintus^ against Elizabeth [the pretended} Quee7i
" of England^ and the heretics adhering unto her.
" Wherein also [aW] her subjects are declared ab^
" solved from the oath of allegiance^ and every
other thing due unto her whatsoever ; and those
which from henceforth obey her are ifinodated
" with the anathema **.

The pope
exoommu-
nicateth
the queen.

«c

^ [The original of this bull
is in Camden's Annals, an. 1569,
in Burnet's Reformation, and
in Wilkins' Concilia, vol. IV.
p. 260. The date of it in this
latter writer, who extracted it
from the second vol. (p. 303)

of the Bullarium Romanumy
slightly varies, being there
1570, fifth of the calends of
May. Fuller probably trans-
lated it from Sanders de Schism,
p. 368. I have added the words
in brackets from the original.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 361

^^ Pius J Bishop^ servant to God^s servants, for a a. d. 1569,
^^ future memorial of the matter. 1-

" He tbat reigneth on high, to whom is given all
" power in heaven and in earth, committed one holy
" catholic and apostolic church, out of which there
" is no salvation, to one alone upon earth, namely,
" to Peter the chief of the apostles, and to Peter's
" successor, the bishop of Rome, to be governed in
" fulness of power. Him alone he made prince over
all people and all kingdoms, to pluck up, destroy,
scatter, consume, plant, and build ; that he may
" contain the faithful that are knit together with
the band of charity in the unity of the Spirit, and
present them spotless and unblamable to their
Saviour. In discharge of which function. We,
" which are by God's goodness called to the govern-
** ment of the aforesaid church, do spare no pains,
" labouring with all earnestness that [this] unity and
" the catholic religion (which the Author thereof.
" hath, for the trial of his children's faith, and for
our amendment, suflfered [to engage^ with so great
afflictions) might be preserved uncorrupt.
" But the number of the ungodly hath gotten such
power, that there is now no place left in the whole
world which they have not essayed to corrupt with
** their most wicked doctrines ; amongst others, Eliza-
beth, the pretended queen of England, the servant
of wickedness, lending thereunto her helping hand,
'* with whom, as in a sanctuary, the most pernicious of
" all have found a refuge. This very woman, having
** seized on the kingdom, and monstrously usurping
the place of supreme head of the church in all
England, and the chief authority and jurisdiction
" thereof, hath again brought back the said kingdom

«
«

362 The Church History book ix.

A. 0.1569." into miserable destruction, which was then newly

12 Eliz.

L " reduced to the catholic faith, and good fruits.

** For, having by strong hand inhibited the exer-
" cise of the true religion, which Mary the lawful
" queen, of famous memory, had by the help of this
" see restored, after it had been formerly overthrown
by Henry the Eighth, a revolter therefrom ; and
following and embracing the errors of heretics, she
hath removed the royal council, consisting of the
" English nobility, and filled it with obscure men,
" being heretics, suppressed the embracers of the
" catholic faith, placed dishonest preachers and
ministers of impieties, abolished the sacrifice of
the mass, prayers, fastings, choice of meats, un-
" married life, and the catholic rites and ceremonies;
" commanded books to be read in the whole realm
" containing manifest heresy and impious mysteries,
" and institutions by herself entertained and ob-
" served, according to the prescript of Calvin, to be
" likewise observed by her subjects ; presumed to
" throw bishops, parsons of churches, and other
" catholic priests out of their churches and benefices,
'' and to bestow them and other church livings upon
" heretics, and to determine of church causes ; pro-
hibited the prelates, clergy, and people to acknow-
ledge the church of Rome, or obey the precepts
'* and canonical sanctions thereof; compelled most
" of them to condescend to her wicked laws, and to
abjure the authority and obedience of the bishop
of Rome, and to acknowledge her to be sole lady
" in temporal and spiritual matters, and this by oath;
imposed penalties and punishments upon those
which obeyed not, and exacted them* of those
which persevered in the unity of the faith and

a
((

.C£NT« XVI. of Britain. 368

''their obedience aforesaid; cast the catholic pre- a. 0.1569.

12 Eliz.

.^ lates and rectors of churches in prison, where ^

" many of them, being spent with long languishing
•* and sorrow, miserably ended their lives. All which
" things, seeing they are manifest and notorious to
" all nations, and by the gravest testimony of very
" many so substantially proved that there is no place
** at all left for excuse, defence, or evasion ; We,
^^ seeing that impieties and wicked actions are mul-
** tiplied one upon another, and moreover that the
," persecution of the faithful and affliction for reli-
" gion groweth every day heavier and heavier,
" through the instigation and means of the said
" Elizabeth ; because we understand her mind to be
80 hardened and indurate that she hath not only
contemned the godly requests and admonitions of
catholic princes concerning her healing and con-
" version, but, alas ! hath not so much as permitted
" the nuncios of this see to cross the sees into Eng-
** land, are constrained of necessity to betake our-
selves to the weapons of justice against her, not
being able to mitigate our sorrow that we are
drawn to take punishment upon one to whose
** ancestors the whole state of all Christendom hath
" been so much bounden. Being therefore sup-
ported with His authority, whose pleasure it was
to place us (though unable for so great a burden)
in this supreme throne of justice, We do, out of
the fulness of our apostolic power, declare the
" aforesaid Elizabeth, (being an heretic and a fa-
" vourer of heresies,) and her adherents in the
" matters aforesaid, to have incurred sentence of
** Anathema^ and to be cut off from the unity of the
" body of Christ. And moreover, We do declare

864 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1569." her to be deprived of her pretended title to the

I 'i Eliz

L " kingdom aforesaid, and of all dominion, dignity,

and privilege whatsoever; and also the nobility,
subjects, and people of the said kingdom, and all
other which have in any sort sworn unto her, to
" be for ever absolved from any such oath, and all
manner of duty of dominion, allegiance, and obe-
dience; as We do also, by authority of these
presents, absolve them, and do deprive the same
Elizabeth of her pretended title to the kingdom,
" and all other things above said. And We do
** command and interdict all and every the noble-
" men, subjects, people, and others aforesaid, that
" they presume not to obey her, or her monitions,
" mandates, and laws ; and those which shall do the
" contrary We do innodate with the like sentence of
" Anathema. And because it were a matter of too
much difficulty to convey these presents to all
places wheresoever it shall be needful, our will
" is, that the copies thereof (under a public notary's
^^ hand, and sealed with the seal of an ecclesiastical
prelate, or of his court) shall carry together the
same credit with all people, judicially and extra-
" judicially, as these presents should do if they were
" exhibited or shewed.

'^ Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, in the year of
" the incarnation of our Lord one thousand five
" hundred sixty-nine, the fifth of the kalends of
" March, and of our popedom the fifth year ®.

" Cm. Glorierius.

" H. CUMYN."

® [To this bull, BuUinger, some account in his Life of
among others, wrote an answer; Grindal, p. 171.]
of whose book Strype has given

CEKT. XVI. of Britain. 865

25. The principal persons whose importunity soli- a. 0.1569.
cited the pope to thunder out this excommunication, t^

Tx XT I* x^ ci 1 x^ ■» «■ r The differ-

were Dr. Harding, Dr. btapleton. Dr. Morton % and ent opi-
Dr. Webbe. And now the news thereof, flying over EngHrfi
into England, variously affected the catholics, ac-^jjj^^
cordinir to their several dispositions : **^" excom-

° ^ munication.

i. Some admired and applauded the resolution of
his holiness, expecting all persons should instantly
start from the infectious presence of the queen ; and
that that virgin rose, so blasted, should immediately
wither.

ii. Others would not believe that there was any
such excommunication at all, but that it was a mere
slander, devised by the common enemy, to make all
catholics odious.

iii. Others accounted such excommunication,
though denounced, of no validity, because the rea-
sons which moved the pope thereunto were falsely
and surreptitiously suggested to his holiness.

iv. Others did question the lawfulness of all ex-
communications of princes, according to the rule of
St. Thomas, Princeps et multitudo non est excovfi"
municanda^ where the uncertain profit which might
follow could not countervail the certain mischief
which would ensue.

V. Others did condemn the present excommu-
nication pro hie et nune^ as un expedient, probable to
incense and exasperate the queen to more severity,
and make her gird her government closer to their
sides who thought to shake it off. This was appa-
rent by the woful experience of the excoramunica-

f [This Dr. Morton had been employed in Northumberland's
rebellion.]

366 The Chwrch Huttory book ix.

A.D.i569.tion denounced against king Henry the Eighth.

Yea, Watson, bishop of Lincoln, (if his namesake

may be credited «f,) was exceedingly grieved at the
pope's proceedings herein, foreseeing the inconve-
nience would thence arise. This same Watson was
he who, in the first of queen Elizabeth, would in all
haste, by his own bare episcopal power, have ex-
communicated her ; but now, (older and wiser,)
moUified with ten years' durance, he altered his
opinion.

vi. Others were unsatisfied in the authenticalness
of the instrument, who never did or durst see the
original, and were unresolved whether the copies
were sufficiently attested.

vii. Others were perplexed in point of conscience,
how far they were bound to obey herein, seeing the
law of nature obligeth the vnfe in duty to her hus-
band excommunicated; and the same reason is of
the servant to the master, subject to the prince.

viii. Lastly, others were troubled in point of
policy, having their persons and estates in the
queen's power; and Bannes, the schoolman, plead-
etli that " subjects are not bound to desert or resist
" their prince, when such actions necessarily infer
'* danger of death and loss of goods."

But, leaving them to have their scruples satisfied
by their confessors, this causeless curse to queen
Elizabeth was turned into a blessing ; and as the
barbarians looked when St. Paul (having the viper
upon his hand) should have swollen and fallen down
dead\ whilst he shook it off into the fire without

8f Watson's Quodlibets, pag. 260. ^ Acts xxviii. 6.

CBKT. XVI. of Britain. 367

•any hurt or harm, so papists expected, when the a. d. 156^

queen should have miserably expired, stung to the —

heart with this excommunication ; when she, nothing
frighted thereat, in silence slighted and neglected it,
without the least damage to her power or person,
and no whit the less loved of her subjects or feared
of her enemies. And most false it is which Sanders
reports ^ that she, by the mediation of some great
men, secretly laboured in vain in the court of Rome
to procure a revocation of the pope's sentence against
her ; as what another relate th \ how she was wont
to say that "the thing itself grieved her not so
^ much, as because done by pope Pius, whose elec-
" tion and life she held for miraculous."

26. This year two eminent bishops, once of the The death
same cathedral, but different religions, ended their Barlow and
lives: William Barlow, doctor of divinity, canon of^*^*
St. Osith, then prior of Bisham \ successively bishop
of St. Asaph, St. David's, and Bath and Wells, in
the days of king Edward the Sixth, afterwards an
exile in the reign of queen Mary in Germany,
where he lived in great want and poverty, and by
queen Elizabeth he was made bishop of Chichester,
where he was buried "™ ; the other, Gilbert Bourne, [Sept. 10. ]
bishop of Bath and Wells, though a zealous papist,
yet of a good nature, well deserving of his cathedral,
and who found also fair usage in his restraint, living
in free custody with the dean of Exeter, and lies
buried in the parish church of Silverton ^.

i De Schism. Anglicano, p. Berkshire.]
372. ^ [See sir J. Harrington,

^ [Catena,] an Italian, in II. 144. Wood's Atb. I. 1 56.

the Life of Pius Quintus, p. According to Wood, he died in

116. 1568.

* [Near Maidenhead, in n [See Wood, ib. p. 699.]

868

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1569. 27. Now was the twelfth year of the queen fully
— — !l«past with her safety and honour; in which the
p^tio^ credulous papists, trusting the predictions of sooth-
defeated. gayg^g^ Y^^A promised to themselves a " golden day,"
as they called it ^ ; instead whereof they are likely
to find many leaden years hereafter. And hence-
forward the seventeenth of November, the day of
the queen's inauguration, was celebrated with far
greater solemnity than ever before : St. Hugh being
for forty-four years left out of our calendars to make
room for her majesty ; and John Felton, who fast-
ened the pope's bull to the palace of London, being
taken, and refusing to fly, was hanged on a gibbet
before the pope's palace p.
The foun- gg. Hugh Prico, doctor of the civil law % procured
Jesus Col- the foundation of a college in Oxford, on a ground
ford/"* "where Whitehall had been formerly situated, which,
with edifices and gardens thereto belonging, being
then in the crown, queen Elizabeth gave to so pious
a use, and therefore is styled the foundress in this
mortmain. However, the said doctor inscribed these

o Camden's Eliz. in anno

1570-
P f Felton fastened this bull

to the bishop of London's pa-
lace-gate, in Paul's churchyard,
on the 2Sth of May. On the
4th of August he was arraigned
at Guildhall, and hanged, drawn,
and quartered four days after.
*' And this was the first action,"
says the author of " The Exe-
'* cution of Justice, &c." '' of
" any capital punishment in-
** flicted for matter sent from
" Rome to move rebellion,
" which was after her majesty
"had reigned about the space

" of twelve years or more — a
time sufficient to prove her
majesty's patience." Somers'
Tracts, I. 204. Stow, 667. A
tract, giving an account of his
death, was published at the
same time in which he suffered,
and reprinted in Morgan's
Phaen. Brit. p. 415. See also
the account of his sufferings by
those of his own party, in
Bridgewater's Concertatio, f.

q [Prebendary of Rochester,
afterwards treasurer of St. Da-
vid's.]

CXHT. XVI. of Britain. 369

foUoidng verses over the gate, when the building of a.d. 1569.
the college was but begun : —

Strtmt Hugo Pridva tibi clarapaiatia Jesu^
Ut doctor Ugvm pectora docta daret,

Hugh Price this palace did to Jesus build,
That a law'*s doctor learned men might yield.

But an Oxford author ' telleth us that a satirical
pen * did underwrite^ with wit and waggery enough,
fiiese following verses :

Nondum strmdt Hugo^ mxfvmdammta locamt^
Dei DeuB uiposrit dieere^ strtmt Hugo.

Hugh hath not built it yet : may it be said

Hugh built it, who hath scarce the groundwork laid!

But no doubt the scholars therein, at their first
admission, know how to justify their reputed
founder s words by the figure of Prolepsis, and can
tell you that " what is well begun is half finished *."

' Pitz. de Acad. Oxon. in the support of the college were

Script, p. 37. found to be almost valueless,

s [Christopher Reynald.] according to Wood. Hist, of

^ QThe doctor's intentions Colleges in Oxford, in Jesus

£uled in another respect, for College, p. 596.]

the estates whidi he gave for

FULLBB, VOL« IV. n b

870

The Church History

BO0K IX.

A.D. 1570.
13 Eliz.

Prineipals ^.

Bishops.

[1571.] David Lewis,
LL.D.

[1571.] Griffin Lloyd,
LL.D-, dean
of the arches,
and chancellor
ofOxon. ^

{1586.] Erands Bevans,
LL.D.

[1602.] Joseph WU-

liams, D.D., '
M.&rg. Prof.

[1613.] Griffith PoweD,
M.A.

[1620.] Francis Man-
sdl, M.A.,
feUow of All
Souls. He
resigned his
place to sir
Eubule Thel-
wall, (one of
the masters of
the chancery,)
conceiving he
might be more
serviceable to
the college.

[1631.] Sir Eubule

Thelwall, Kt.

[1630.] Dr. Francis
Mansell, re-
chosen.

[1648.] Michael Ro-
berts, D.D. >

Morgan
Owen, bi-
shop of
Llandaff.

Thomas
HoweU, bi<
shop of
Bristol, a
most ex-
cellent
preacher 7.

Benefactors.

Learned
Writers.

HerbertWestfdialing,
bishop of Hereford.

Henry Rowland,
bishop of Bangor.

Griffith Lloyd, doc-
tor of law.

Griffith Powell.

John Williams, doc-
tor of divinity.

Sir Eubule Thd-
waU, Kt., who made
a court in a man-
ner four-square,
builded and wain-
scotted the hail,
perfected the cha-
pel with a curious
and costly roof, &c.

Mrs. Jane Wood,
widow of Owen
Wood, dean of
Armagh z.

James Howd,
an dbgant
writer.

[Daniel Bre-
vint.]

So that in the year 1634 it had one principal, sixteen
fellows, sixteen scholars, (moi^ of the ancient British
nation,) besides officers and servants of the founda-

^ This college hath had ten
principals, whereas Trinity
College in the same university,
founded fourteen years before,
liath had but five presidents*

^ [He was put in by the
|)arliament, succeeded by Fran-
cis Howell, M.A., and fellow
of Exeter in 1657. In 1660

Dr. Mansell was restored, and
died in 1665. No college seems
to have been so much beholden
to die munificence of its prin-
cipals as this of Jesus.]

y [Wood enumerates four-
teen bishops to 1743.]

* £The dean was a far greater
benefactor than his widow.]

CENT. XVI. o/Britahu 371

tion, and other students: all which made up the a. d. 1570.
number of one hundred and nine. L

29. Hitherto papists generally, without regret, The fi»t

, beginiung

repaired to the public places of divine service, and of recu-
were present at our prayers, sermons, and sacraments, **"^^'
What they thought in their hearts. He knew who
knoweth hearts; but in outward conformity they
kept communion with the church of England; in
which sense one may say that the whole land was of
one language and one speech. But now began the
tower of Babel to be built, and popery to increase,
which brought with it the division of tongues, and
the common distinction of papist and protestant, the
former now separating themselves from our public
congregations. Thet/ went out from usy because they
were not of 7is; for had they been of us, they would
have continued with us. Indeed the pope set his
mark of fevour on such reputed sheep as absented
themselves from our churches, henceforward account-
ing them goats that repaired thither. And now
began the word recu^sant * to be first bom and bred
in men's mouths ; which, though formerly in being
to signify such as refused to obey the edicts of lawful
authority^ was now confined in common discourse to
express those of the church of Rome*

30. Indeed hitherto the English papists slept in a ^apw**
whole skin, and so might have continued, had they persecut-
act wilfiiUy torn it themselves ; for the late rebellion
in the north, and the pope thundering out his
ezcommnnication against the queen, with many
scandalous and pernicious pamphlets daily dispersed,
made her majesty about this time first to frown on

» £See Naunton's Frag. Regal, art. CeciL]

B b g

on.

872 The Church History book ix.

A.D.i57apapi8tg, then to chide, then to strike them with

13 Eliz. * '

penalties, and last to draw life-blood from them by

the severity of her laws ; for now the parliament sat
at Westminster, cutting, as one may say, with a
three-edged sword, as making sharp edicts against
papists, nonconformists, and covetons conformists of
the church of England.
A pariia. gj. Agaiust papists it was enacted ^ that to write,
ting with print, preach, express, publish, or affirm that the
*^* queen was an heretic, schismatic, &c., should be
adjudged treason ; also that it should be so accounted,
and punished, to bring and put in execution any
bulls, writings, instruments, or other superstitious
things from the see of Rome, from the first of July
following. A severe act also was made against frigir
tives, who, being the natural-bom subjects of this
realm, departed the same without license, and fled
into foreign parts. Against nonconformists it vras
provided, that every priest or minister should, before
the nativity of Christ next following, in the presence
of his diocesan or his deputy, declare his assent, and
subscribe to all the Articles of Religion agreed on in
the convocation one thousand five hundred sixty and
two, upon pain of deprivation on his refusal thereof.
Against covetous conformists it was provided, that
no spiritual person, college, or hospital shall let lease,
other than for the term of twenty-one years, or three
lives ; the rent accustomed, or more, reserved pay-
able yearly during the said term.
^^^J^*^ 32. Indeed this law came very seasonably, to
bri&d. retrench the unconscionable covetousness of some
clergjmieu, who by long and unreasonable leases, as

^ See the Statutes, 13 Eliz. [c. 1, 2, 12.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 373

the statute termed them, dilapidated the lauds ofA.D.1570.
their churches. Here it came to pass, what the '^

spouse complains, that the keepers of the walls took
her veil away from her ^ ; it being true what one
said» that ** those who should have righted her of
" her wrongs, did wrong her of her rights." Many
a bishopric so bruised itself when it fell vacant, that
it lost some land before a new bishop was settled
ther^, where the elects contracted with their pro-
moters on unworthy conditions.

33- But no armour can be made of proof against Covetout-
the darts of covetousness, especially when they come Tn at a**^
from an high and heavy hand of great men in autho- cranny
rity. This law was not so cautiously drawn up but
that some courtiers found a way to evade it, seeing
the crown was not expressed therein, and left capable
of such leases, (as, God willing, hereafter shall be
largely related^;) by which single shift they frus-
trated the effect of this law. Thus a ship may
(though not as suddenly, as certainly) be sunk with
one as with a thousand leaks.

34. We return to the queen of Scots, of whom The second
we have heard nothing this three years of eccle- M^queen
siastical cognizance, nor now meet with any thing Jj^^^^ *®
of that nature save this letter, which, though some-
what long, yet because never as yet printed, and
acquainting us with some passages in her restraint^
is not unworthy the perusal ® :

" Most blessed Father,
" After the kissing of your most holy feet, about

c Cant. V. 7. « [The original Italian is in

^ Vide 1604. Secundo Reg; Catena's Life of Pius V. p.
Jacobi. 302.]

Bb 3

ST4« The Church History book ix.

A.D. 1571." the beginning of October, I received your holiness'
— — — " letter, written the thirteenth of July, by which I
Oct. 3'- « understood not only the benediction which your
" holiness sent me, and which was and shall be
** always to me most acceptable, but also the great
" demonstration of your good-will to comfort me.
I rested therewith singularly comforted indeed,
partly because it was pleased earnestly to recom-
" mend both me and the affairs of my estate to the
" most potent princes, and especially to the most
**• renowned kings of France and Spain. But withal
•* there is yet remaining on the other part to work
** so with Christian princes, that, making a strict
league among themselves, they should spare no
vigilance, nor travels, nor expences, once to abate
" the most cruel tyrant, who continually thinketh of
no other thing than to move war against us all ^.
And might it please God that all other things
« might correspond with my will, besides that I were
" to do the same also, your blessedness should see it
" with effect, which should be that not only I, biit
" also my subjects^ with a will conform to their body,
**^ and together with other Christians, would put our-
" selves forward to do our utmost force. But what
thing is there to be seen more worthy of compas-
sion, than to see myself fallen into so great in-
" felicity from that happiness wherein I found myself
" lately ? what thing is more lamentable than from a
" free woman as I was to become a servant ? To
" these miseries is added, that my country is at this
** day wrapped in such and so many calamities, and

' This is meant of the Turk, and not Cas some may suspect]^
of q^ueen Elizabeth.

(4
M
€*

CEKT. XVI. of Britain, 875

?* beaten down with so many inroads of the English, '^•^•f57»-

that many and many towns have been set on fire

** and flames, many castles and most fair churches
ruinated to the very foundations «. But that which
is worse, my inhabitants and subjects, without
scarce doing the least offence unto them, have
been more cruelly slain. But what! shall I say
^ nothing of myself? Is it not clear unto allien
" how I have been continually in divers and sundry
** perils ? I call Grod to veitness, who knows with
f* what greatness of miseries I have been always
stifled; and that which yet makes this tempest
more cruel unto me is, that those who had pro-
•* mised to make provisions for my good have after-
** wards fidled me, nor given me the least favour in
** the world; nor do I hope that ever they vnll do it,
" except perhaps these made or prepared

" for or journey most inclined to help me,

" shall not be moved to undertake such enterprises
" in my behalf. But to say the truth of it, although
^ there were succours gathered together, and a most

assured army of from beyond the seas, certainly

not without great peril, could they cross the ocean
" into Scotland in the winter time, which then is
** wont to be most turbulent and stormy. But the
** English on the other side, who are not separated
from the Scots vnth any river interposed between
them, are able not only in summer, but in winter
time also, to move war against the Scots them-
selves, who, when there doth rise up even the

S This letter to the pope retranslated into English; won*
was written in Latin « then der not> therefore, if it lose
translated into Italian^ then some native lustre thereof.

B b 4

€t

876 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1571.*^ least occasion of discord between them, are wont
'^ '*' " suddenly to put themselves effectually into arms.
Constrained therefore by these principal respects,
" without I should expose the interest of my life and
^^ country to the hazard of the greatest dangers, I am
" by no means able to help it, but that even to my
^ greatest disadvantage I must make peace with the
** English, saving always (as they say) my honour and
^ conscience, because honour doth regard the civil
" administration, whereby to be able afterwards to
" rule or govern the commonwealth. Then the
*^ conscience, as being the form and force divine
" given to men to direct them to a good end, which,
^ admitting it to be sometimes straitened and bound
" with calamities, yet nevertheless may it, neither
" for tonnents nor for promises of rewards, be ever
" expelled or deprived from the c(Hnmunion and
" obedience of the catholic church. But, amongst
'^ other things, it now happeneth that I must relate
" to your holiness one thing most truly bitter unto
^^me; that is, that we are come to those terms
^^of desiring my only son, the heir of the temporal
'^ kingdoms, to be delivered by a certain time into
** the hands of the English, by way of hostage or
" pledge, reserving to me nevertheless the liberty to
a{^KHnt him such governors and counsellors after-
wards as shall best please me. There is, more-
over, granted lieave of accession mito him, not
" only for me, but likewise to all those that for
my sfttisfaf^tian shall be sent into England to visit
him. Let not your holiness for this cause have
any doubt but that he shall be not only full of
" good and holy conversation, but also (though he
^^ be amongst an unlucky nation) a perfect member

€6

CMwr^ XVI. of Britain. 3T7

" of the catholic and apostolic church, and always a. 0.1571.
ready and prone to help the same. But because — — —
that by this my letter I may not extend myself in
greater length beyond my duty, I do conclude
with this, that I have determined with myself
** nevertheless to give your holiness to understand
of my estate, and of all these things which for the
present do pass between them and me, and of these
also which shall happen in the journey of any
" importance ; and because it is a most diflScult
" thing to put all my occasions in writing, I have
" for that cause informed the bishop of Dublin with
" all mine occurrences, as him that is and always
" hath been my most faithful nuncio, and most
" lovingly affected towards your holiness and the
" seat apostolic. May it please your holiness to
" give faith unto him concerning all the things
" whereof he shall treat with you in my name.
" Meantime I pray our Lord God that he by his
" most holy grace protect the catholic church from
" all the wicked thoughts of her adversaries, in
" which case all we have fixed our eyes upon your
" holiness as upon a most clear light, expecting of
" the same continually in name of his Divine Ma-
jesty your most holy benediction ; and all with the
same mind do desire unto your holiness a most
'* long life, to the glory of the most mighty God,
" and comfort of all the faithful.

" From Chatsworth, in England, the last of Oc-
« tober, 1570.

" The most devout Daughter

" of your Holiness,

" Mary, the Queen."

S78 The Ohurch Hisiory of Britain. book rx^

^'i^Eite '' Whoso consnlts our state historians in this very

juncture of time shall find the queen of Scots on

tolerable terms (daily likely to amend) with queen
Elizabeth ; yea, now she was in the yertical of her
favour, wherein henceforward she began to decline,
principally for practising with the ]>ope and foreign
princes.

SECT. III.

MRS. ANNE DANVERS,

OP CHELSEA >.

Madam,
Let wtt your maiden modegty be betrayed to a bhah, teeing
gowrxelf here left alone, eumnmded tw aU eidet iffiih mas-
caUne Dedtcatiora. It vnll Jceep you in covmtenamce, if
refiedvii^ y&ar eye either on the fir^ page of this hook, or
side columms of this page, where you shall find the queen of
virgint in the front thereof, whose reign in this hook is
described ,- indeed a portion thereof, being designed to your
late brother, (now glorious saini,) fails of course to you,
with his goods and chattels, as his sole executrix. If any
Latin letters oemr in this section, I doubt not but God tdll
seasonably prodde you such a consort who, amongst his
many other virtues, will change you to a happy wife, and
translate them to your understanding.

BOUT this time*" deceased Williain A-iJ.^ii?'-
Alley, bishop of Exeter, a painftil
preacher, and John Jewel, of Salis-ofiie
bury, of ■whom largely before, HeEiwerand
was bom in DeTonshire, bred first inSaiis'"^-
Merton, then Corpus Christi College, in Oxford;

» [Anns. Gules, s chevioa wife, Elizabeth^-daugbter of sir

between three mullets, or. John Daventry. She married

Daughter of sir John Danvers, m Henry Lee, of Ditchley in

of Chelsea, (brother to Henry the county of Oxford, hart.]
earl of DanbT, of whom see the ^ [April 15, 1570. See fail

Worthies,Ilt,33i,)by his third Life in Wood's Ath. I. [63.I

380 The Church History book ix.

^•^* '572- first pupil to, afterwards fellow exile with, Mr.

Parkhurst in Germany ^. After queen Mary's death,

Parkhurst durst not for danger return with Jewel,
but went a securer way, as he supposed, by himself;
though Jewel came safe and sound home, whilst
Parkhurst was robbed of all in his return, and re-
lieved by the other at his journey's end ; and soon
after both of them were made bishops, Mr. Park-
hurst of Norwich, and Jewel of Salisbury.

rfb£*^*^ 2. A jewel (sometimes taken for a single precious

Jewel. stone) is properly a collective of many, orderly set
together to their best advantage. So several emi-
nences met in this worthy man : naturals, artificials,
(amongst which I recount his studied memory, de-
serving as well as Theodectes the sophister the
surname of Mnemonicus,) morals, but principally
spirituals. So devout in the pew where he prayed,
diligent in the pulpit where he preached, grave on
the bench where he assisted, mild in the consistory
where he judged, pleasant at the table where he fed,
patient in the bed where he died, that well it were
if, in relation to him, secundum usum Sarum ® were
made precedential to all posterity. He gave, at his
death, to Peter Martyr a ffolden rose, (yet more
f^grant for the worth of the giver th^ the value
of the gift ;) to the city of Zurich a present which
they converted into a piece of plate, with Jewel's
arms thereon ; to several scholars large legacies ; to
the church of Salisbury a fair library, and another to
the church of England — I mean his learned " Apo-
" logic." It is hard to say whether his soul or his

^ Vide supra in the first his Life of Bishop Jewels p.
year of queen Mary. 249.

^ Laurence Humphrey, in

CENT. XTi. of Britain. 381

ejaculations arrived first in heaven^ seeing he prayed a. d. 1572.
dying and died praying. He was buried in the quire, — '^

by bishop Wivill ^ — two champions of the church
lying together : one who with his sword proffered to
maintain the lands; the other who with his pen
defended the doctrine thereof. In the absence of
doctor Humphreys, designed for that service, Mr.
Giles Laurence preached his funerals, who formerly,
being tutor to the children of sir Arthur Darcy ®, by
Aldgate in London,) in queen Mary's days, preserved
Jewel's life, and provided accommodation for his
flight beyond the seas.

8* Hitherto the bishops had been the more spar- Subscnp-

• • . :i ji 1 . . -i • tion why

iHg m pressmg, and others more darmg m denpng now more
subscription, because the canons made in the convo-"^^'^
cation 1563 were not for nine years after confirmed
by act of parliament ; but now, the same being rati-
fied by parliamental authority, they began the urging
thereof more severely than before, which made many
dissenters keep their private meetings in woods,
fields, their friends' houses, &c. ^ : I say private
meetings, for conventicles I must not call them,
having read what one hath written «^, "That name
^* (which agreeth to anabaptists) is too light and
" contemptuous to set forth such assemblies, where
** God's word and sacraments are administered, even
" by the confession of their adversaries."

4, Indeed no disgrace is imported in the notation The true

notion of a

of the word conventicle, sounding nothing else but a conventicle.

^ [Bishop of Salisbury.] ^ Bishop Bancroft, in his

^ [Probably the younger son English Scottizing, III. 1.
of Thomas lord Darcy^ of whom % Thomas Cartwright's Se-

seeStow's Survey, pp. 1 17,1 18, cond Reply, p. 38, ed. 1575.
119.]

382 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1572. small convention. And some will say, can the in-

fant (the diminutive) be a tenn of reproach, where

the mother (the primitive) is creditable in the ac-
ception thereof? However, custom (the sole mint-
master of current words) hath took of conventicles
from signifying a small number to denote the meet-
ing of such (how many soever) in a clandestine way,
contrary to the commands of the present lawful au-
tiiority.
T.Cpre- 5. And now Thomas Cartwright, chief of the

'sentB to the ^

parliament noncouformists, prescuts the parliament with a book
tutedj ad. called " An Admonition," some members taking dis-
™^*^'^ taste at the title thereof; for, seeing admonition is
the lowest of ecclesiastical censures, and a prepara-
tive (if neglected) to suspension and excommunica-
tion, such suggested, that if the parliament complied
not with this admonitor's desires, his party (whereof
he the speaker) would proceed to higher and louder
fiilminations against the parliament. Whereas ad-
monition is a soft word in the common, but espe-
cially in the scripture acception thereof, and may
with humility on just occasion be tendered from
inferiors to any single persons or Christian corpora-
tion ; this admonition contained their grievances who
presented it, with a declaration of the only way to
redress them, viz. by admitting that platform which
was there prescribed. This, not finding the enter-
tainment it expected, was seconded by another, more
importunate, to the same effect.
Bandying 6. It will uot be amiss to set down what writings,
hJS^twoP^^ 8.nd cow, passed on the occasion of this book,
'^^IT^ief ^®*^®^^ *wo eminent authors of opposite parties :
of their i. The Admonition, (first and second,) made by

"' Mr. Cartwright

ccvT. XTI. of Britain, S83

H. The Answer to the Admonition, by Dr. John a. 0.1572.
WMfegift^ -i^^l^

in. TRie Reply to the Answer of the Admonition,
by Mr. Thomas Cartwright.

iv. The Defence of the Answer, by Dr. John
Whitgifti.

This last kept the field, and, for aught I can find,
recced no solemn refutation.

7. Sundry reasons are assigned of Mr. Cartwrighfs Severai*ea-
silence, all believing as they are affected, and most Cart-
being affected as led by their interest. Some as- n^trepiyiqg
cribed it to his weakness, who, having spent all his"***"'
powder and shot in former fights, was forced to be
•quiet for the fiiture; others to his pride, (imder-

^ [" An Answer to a certain ** at London, by Henry Byn-

" Libel entitled ' An Admo- ** neman, for Humfrey Toye,

" nition to the Parliament.* " anno 1574." Fol. This was

•' By John Whitgift, Doctor of followed by

*' Divinity. Imprinted at Lon- " The second Reply of Tho-

'* dan, by Henry Bynneman, " mas Cartwright, against Mas-

" for Humfrey Toy, anno " ter Doctor Whitgift's second

"1572." 4to. " Answer touching the Church

A second edition of this book " Discipline. Imprinted 1 575.'*

was printed in the following 4to.

year, "newly augmented by *' The rest of the second

" the author, as by conference ** Reply, &c. Imprinted 1577."

" shall appear.*' About the 4to.

same time Cartwright set forth The archbishop carried on

his reply to the bishop's book, the controversy no further, be-

entitling it "A Reply to an cause, as he himself most can-

*' Answer made of M. Doctor didly stated, he was desirous

** Whitegifte, against the Ad- that Cartwright should '^ use

" monition to the Parliament. '' his good gifts to the peace

*• By T. C." 4to.] " and quietness of the church ;"

i [In 1574 an answer was and indeed for a more substan-

made by iJ^e archbishop under tial reason, that there was no-

the following title : *' The De- thing in the second production

'^ fence of the Answer to the which had not been sufficiently

** Admonition, against the reply answered in the archbishop's

" of T. C. By John Whitgift, reply to the first. See Strype's

'• Doctor of Diivinity- Printed Whitgift, p. 301.]

384 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1572. valuing what he could not overcome,) counting
~ — LWhitgift's last answer no answer, but a repetition
of what was confuted before ; others imputed it to
his patience, seeing otherwise multiplying of replies
would make brawls infinite ; and whilst women strive
for the last word, men please themselves with the
last reason ; others to the policy of that party, re-
solving to go a new way to work, and to turn their
serious books into satirical pamphlets. Some few
attributed it to Mr. Cartwright's modest respect to
his adversary, who had gotten the upper ground of
him, Whitgift being soon after made bishop and
archbishop ; though, in my mind, this would nK>re
heighten than abate their opposition.
The first g. The uoncouformists, though overpowered for
In England the prescut in parliament, yet found such favour
Wimds- therein, that after the dissolution thereof they pre*
SiOTey!" sumed to erect a presbytery at Wandsworth in
Surrey '^. Eleven elders were chosen therein, and
their offices and general rules (by them to be ob-
served) agreed upon and described, as appears by a
bill indorsed with the hand of Mr. Field, the lec-
turer, as I take it, of that place, but living in Lon-
don. Mr. Smith, of Mitcham, and Mr. Crane, of
Boehampton, (neighbouring villages,) are mentioned
for their approbation of all passages therein. This
was the first-born of all presbyteries in England, and
secundum usum Wandsworth as much honoured by
some as secundum usum Sarum by others.
The chief Q. It may scom a wonder that the presbyterian
formists in discipline should ripen sooner in this country village
than in London itself*; whereas yet they were not

^ Bishop Bancroft's English 1 [Not so strange either ; it
Scottizing, ib. being true, what Br. Sutcliffe

CENT. XTI.

of Britain,

S85

arriired at so formal a constitution, though we may a. d. 1564.
observe two sorts of ministers : "'

First— 1. Mr. Field. 2. Mr. Wilcox. 3. Mr.
Standen. 4. Mr. Jackson. 5. Mr. Bonham.
6. Mr. Seintloe. 7. Mr. Crane. 8. Mr. Edmonds ".

Afterwards. — 1. Mr. Charke. 2. Mr. Travers.
8. Mr. Barber. 4. Mr. Gardner. 5. Mr. Cheston,
6. Mr. Crooke. 7* Mr. Egerton. 8.

The former of these were principally against
ministers' attire and the Common Prayer-Book ; the
latter endeavoured the modelling of a new discipline:
and it was not long before, both streams uniting
together, nonconformity began to bear a large and
great channel in the city of London.

10. This same year happened a cruel massacre in The masMu
Paris, the French protestants being bidden thither ""''
under the pretence of a nuptial solemnity ; but
never were such black favours given at a wedding,
admiral Coligny (the pillar of the reformed church)
being slain in his bed on Bartholomew-eve, whose
day then and for some years after was there remark-
able for wet weather :

Barthohmeusflet, quia GaUicm occubat Atlas.

Bartholomew bemoans with rain
The GaUic Atlas thereon slain.

observes, that the lowest and
most ignorant class of the peo-
ple did put forth themselves as
ecclesiastical governors, ** to
*' answer whether the laws they
'* practise be good or no ; and
** who must sit judge in the
" cause? Forsooth Hicke, Hob,
" and Clem of Clough ; yea,
and Margaret and Joan too :

FULLER, VOL. IV.

€i

** for they, forsooth, now do
^' prate apace of discipline, and
" give us out their censures."
£pi8t. Dedicatory to hisTreatise
of Ecclesiastical Discipline, ed.

"' [This £dmonds afterwards
conformed. See Bancroft^ ib,

43
c c

S86 The Church History book ix.

A.D.i57a. William Cecil, lord Burleigh, iiivited to be there",

^ — wisely kept himself at home; otherwise perchance

our English Nestor had been sent the same way
with the French Atlas, and ten thousand protestants
of name and note slain in that city within three
days.
TwoimpoB- 11^ Let not the following passage be censured for

tresses dis- ore

oovered. Superfluous in this our book, whose omission would
be condemned as a defect by others © : Agnes Bridges,
a maid about twenty, and Rachel Pindar, a girl
about twelve years old, so cunningly coimterfeited
themselves possessed with the devil, that they de-
ceived many ministers in London, from whom more
wisdom and less credulity might justly have been
expected. Thus these liars belied the fitther of lies
by their dissimulation ; and now what praying, and
preaching, and fasting was there to dispossess them,
to the no small derision of profane persons when
their forgery was discovered. However, such scoflSng
may be punished when the others shall have their
erroneous judgment pardoned and welWntended
charity rewarded. Soon after those impostresses
were detected, penance at St. Paul's cross on them
imposed, by them publicly (and for outward view
penitently) performed, the present beholders satis-
fied, the formerly deluded rectified, to be more wise
and wary for the future.

Anabaptists ig, Now bcffau the auabaptists wonderfully to

disoovered. ^ * "^

increase in the land ; and as we are sorry that any
countrymen should be seduced with that opinion, so
we are glad that English as yet were free from that

n Camden s Eliz. in hoc " Stow's Chron. p. 678.
anno.

CXNT. xvu of Britain. 887

infection; for on Easter-day was disclosed a con- a. d. 1575.

giegation of Dutch anabaptists p, without Aldgate

in London, whereof seven and twenty were taken
and imprisoned, and four bearing fagots at Paul's
cross solemnly recanted their dangerous opinions ^.

13. Next month one Dutchman and ten women Eleven o£

m 1 M I* 1 them cxm-

were condemned ', of whom one woman was con- demned.
verted to renounce her errors, eight were banished
the land, two more so obstinate that command was
issued out for their burning in Smithfield ; but, to
reprieve them fSrom so cruel a death, a grave divine
s^it the following letter to queen Elizabeth, which
we request the reader to peruse, and guess at the
author thereof ■ :

" Serenissima, beatissima princeps, regina illus- a divine's
** trissima, patriae decus, sseculi omamentum. Ut the queen,
" nihil ab animo meo omnique expectatione abfiiit^rn^^
*• longius, quam ut majestatis tuae amplissimam ex-***®°^-
" cellentiam molesta unquam interpellatione obtur-
** barem : ita vehementer dolet silentium hoc, quo
^ hactenus usus sum constanter, non eadem con-
*• stantia perpetuo tueri ita ut volebam licuisse. Ita
** nunc praeter spem ac opinionem meam nescio qua
** infelicitate evenit,ut quod omnium volebam minime,
** id contra me maxime faciat hoc tempore. Qui cum
" ita vixerim hucusque, ut molestus fuerim nemini,
" invitus nunc cogar contra naturam principi etiam

P Stew's Chron. p. 679. » [Harl. MSS. No. 416, p.

4 [See the form prescribed 151. The original draught of

for their recantation in Hey- this letter is in Fox's own hand,

lin's Hist, of Presbyt. p. 242, There is also another draught

reprintedin Wilkins'Conc. IV. of it in the same handwriting

282.] at p. 155, but differing very

^ Idem, p. 680. considerably from this.]

c c 2

888 The Church History book ix.

A.D. i575.<< ipsi esse importunus, non re ulla aut causa mea,

^— " sed aliena inductus calamitate. Quae quo acerbior

" sit et luctuosior hoc acriores mihi addit ad depre*
" candum stimulos. NonnuUos intelligo in Anglia
" hie esse non Anglos, sed adventitios, Belgas quidem
" opinor, partim viros, partim foeminas, nuper ob
^' improbata dogmata in judicium advocates. Quo-
" ruma liquet feliciter reducti publicam luerunt poeni-
" tentiam, complures in exilium sunt condemnati *,
" idque rectissime meo judicio factum esse arbitror.
" Jam ex hoc numero unum esse aut alt^rum audio,
" de quibus ultimum exustionis supplicium (nisi sue*
♦^ currat tua pietas) brevi sit statuendum. Qua una
" in re duo contineri perspicio, quorum alterum ad
'* errorum pravitatem, alterum ad supplicii acerbita-
" tern attinet, Ac erroribus quidem ipsis nihil posse
^^ absurdius esse, sanus nemo est qui dubitat, mirorque
^' tam fceda opinionum portenta in quosquam po-
*^ tuisse Christianos cadere. Sed itat est humana
^^ infirmitatis conditio, si divina paululum luce desti-
" tuti nobis relinquimur, quo non ruimus prsecipites ?
. ^' Atque equidem hoc nomine Christo gratias quam
^* maximas habeo, quod Anglorum hodie neminem
*' huic insaniae affinem video. Quod igitur ad pha-
'^ naticas istas sectas attinet, eas certe in republica
" nuUo mode fovendas esse, sed idonea comprimen-
" das correctione censeo, Verum enim vero ignibus
" ac flammis, pice ac sulphure sestuantibus viva
" miserorum corpora torrefacere judicii magis caB*
" citate quam impetu voluntatis errantium, durum
^^ istud ac Bomani magis exempli esse quam evan-

^ [See the similar expression in the next page.]

CKNT. xvt. of Britain. 88&

" gelicse consuettidinis videtur, ao plane ejusmodi, ut a.d. 157s.

" nisi a Romanis pontificibus, authore Innocentio

" tertio primum profluxisset^ nunquam istum Perilli
taurum quisquam in mitem Christi ecclesiam im-
portavisset. Non quod maieficiis delecter, aut
erroribus faveam cujusqiiam dicta h«c esse velim.
vitse hominum, ipse homo quum sira, faveo. Ide-
oque faveo, non ut erret, sed ut resipiscat. Ac
neque hominum solum, utinam et pecudibus ipsis
*' opitulari possem. Ita enim sum (stulte fortassis
hoc de meipso, at vere dico) macellum ipsum ubi
mactantur etiam pecudes, vix prsetereo, quin tacito
quodam doloris sensu mens refugiat. Atque equi-
" dem in eo Dei ipsius valde admirer venei*orque
toto pectore clementiam, qui in jutnentis illis brutis
et abjectis, quae sacrificiis olim parabantur, id pro*
spexerat, ne prius ignibus mandarentur, quam san^
guis eorum ad basin altaris eflRinderetur. Unde
disceremus in exigendis suppliciis, quamvis justis^
non quid omnino rigori Hceat, sed ut dementia
•* simul adhibita rigoris temperet asperitatem.

** Quamobrem si tantum mihi apud principis tanti
majestatem audere hceret, supplex pro Christo
rogarem clementissimam banc regiae sublimitatis
•* excellentiam, pro authoritate hac tua qua ad vitam
" multorum conservandam poUete, te divina voluit*
" dementia ; ut vitae si fieri possit (quid enim non
possit iis in rebus authoritas tua) misei'orum par-
catur, saltem ut horrori obsistatut, atque in aliud
quodcunque commutetur supplicii genus. Sunt
ejectiones, inclusiones retrusae, sunt vincula, sunt
" perpetua exilia, sunt stigmata, et TrXiiyimaTa aut
" etiam patibula. Id unum valde deprecor, ne pjnras
*' ac flammas Smythfeldianas jam diu faustissimis tuis

cc3

S90 The Church History book ix.

A.p- «575'" anspiciis hue usque sopitas sinas nunc recandescere.

*^ Quod si ne id quidem obtineri possit, id saltern

** omnibus supplicandi modis efflagito Ttnrro to ireXap-
^* yiKov pectoris tui implorans, ut mensem tamen unum
^^ aut alterum nobis concedas, quo interim experia-
" mur, an a periculosis erroribus dederit Dominus ut
^^ resanescant, ne cum corporum jactura, animae pari-
** ter cum corporibus de aetemo periclitentur exitio."

This letter was written by Mr. John Fox, (from

whose own hand I transcribed it,) very loath that

Smithfield, formerly consecrated with martyrs' ashes,

should now be profaned with heretics', and desirous

that the papists might enjoy their own monopoly of

cruelty in burning condemned persons. But though

queen Elizabeth constantly called him her &ther Fox,

yet herein was she no dutiful daughter, giving him a

fiat denial ". Indeed damnable were their impieties,

and she necessitated to this severity, who having

formerly punished some traitors, if now sparing these

blasphemers, the world would condemn her, as being

more earnest in asserting her own safety than God's

honour. Hereupon the writ de htBretico comburendo

(which for seventeen years had hung only up in

terrorem) was now taken down and put in execution ;

and the two anabaptists \ burned in Smithfield, died

in great horror with crying and roaring 7.

Another 14. I am loath this letter should stand alone, and

of the same therefore will second it vrith another, (though no-
author.

^ As to the saving of their were John Peeters and Henry

lives, if after a month's reprieve Tur west, Flemings horn. See

and conference with divines, the writ for their execution in

they would not recant their Rymer's Foed. XV. 740, and

errors. in Wilkins, IV. 281.]

' [The names of these men 7 Stow ut prius.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 891

thing of this nature,) which I may call a private- a. d. 1575.
public one-^private for the subject, public for the 1-

use thereof: first, to acquaint us with the character
of Magdalen College, and generally of all Oxford,
(not to say England,) in those days; secondly, to
shew that though Mr. Fox came not up in all par-
ticulars to cleave the pin of conformity, (as refusing
to subscribe,) yet he utterly distasted the factious
people of that age ; lastly, that the papists who mis-
called him John Lack-Latin may appear as so many
lack-4Tuths by his fluent and familiar language.

15. Only a word to the reader, informing himTheocca-
with the cause of this letter. Samuel, his eldest "°°
son, bachelor of arts, and fellow of Magdalen College
in Oxford, travelled beyond the seas, without leave
either from father or college. At his return he was
causelessly accused for a papist, and expelled the
college by a &ction of people, whose names I had
rather the reader should take from Mr. Fox his pen
than mine own. And now, as once Tully pro domo
sua strained all the nerves of his rhetoric, so see
here bow pathetically this old man pro filio suo
writes to a reverend bishop * of the church :

(TVV T(p 2S>.p(p,

Quando, quomodo, quibus verbis, qua dicendi
figura pares agam gratias singulari vixque credibili
** humanitati tuae (vir reverende, idemque doctissime
** pr^esul) qua me miserum, tot tantisque serumnis
** obsitum, imo obrutum, literis tam amanter scriptis,
" et erigere jacentem, et erectum refocillare volueris.

» [Parker or Whitgift.] have been enabled to correct

' [Harl. MSS. No. 416, p. various errors in the printed
15a. The original draught in copy.] This I saw carefully
Fox's own hand, by which I transcribed out of the original.

C c 4

u a

ftC

it
it

39s 7%e Church History book tx.

A.D. 1575." In quo pulchre tu quidem hoc exempio representas,

—I !l-"quid sit vere episcopum agere in domo Domini.

Quid enim antistitem vere Christianum, verius vel

arguit, vel commendat insignius, quam charitas

ExhiMta •. ^^ toties in Christianis Uteris commedata? Aut ubinam

" haec ipsa charitas vim suam illustrius poterit ex-

" plicare, quam in sacro hoc consolandi officio, eV tw

Trapa/JLvOela-Qai tov9 aOv/JLOvvra^, Koi. yap ei^ Toaraurrjv

aOvfxiav eviirecrov Tore, ev t£ ema^eWetv are, wtrre

" ovSeirore ti tS>v aXKtav ovSev efioi avfifi^vai euKatpoTc^

pov KOI aKjJLatOTepov, tZv t?? Oeoaefieia^ <rov eKelvfov

ypafiij.aT(av. Usque adeo tot simul adversse res

omnem mihi et constantiam et patientiam pene

expectorabant. Cui enim, quamlibet adamantinum

" pectus, non constemeret inaudita haec hominum

'^ ingratissimorum inhumanitas ? in ea presertim

academia, eoque coUegio, unde nihil unquam ex-

pectabam minus quam tale aliquid ab iis mihi

eventurum, quos si non meae senectutis et pauper-

" tatis ratio commovere, at ipsorum tamen vel hu-

" manitas vel literarum quas profitentur consuetude,

" polire ad humaniorem ^ modestiam debuisset. Quod

" autem de meis vel erga illos vel erga alios meritis,

*^ honoranda tua pietas humanissime praedicat, in eo

** TO t5? evjULevelag (rov /leyeOo^ satis coutemplor ; in

me nihil agnosco eorum quae tribuis. lUud con-

fiteor, semper cavisse me sedulo, ut si minus pro-

" desse multis licuerit, nesciens tamen obessem cui-

" quam, tum minime vero omnium Magdalensibus,

" quo magis id mihi admirationi habetur, quis tam

" turbulentus genius factiosa ista Puritanorum capita

" afflaverit, ut sic violatis gratiarum legibus, spretis

a [' Commendata' in MS.]

^ [A few lines are here torn away in the original.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 893

" meis ad se Uteris et precibus, contempta praesidisA.D. 1575.

** ipsius intercessione, nulla praemissa admonitione, ^

" nee causa reddita, tantam banc in me, filiumque
** tyrannidem exercuerint. Atque vero ut hoc iis
** concedam, non tarn purum esse et immunem ab
" omni nsevo filium meum, atque sunt isti ter puri
** PuHtani. At in his tamen ngeyis illius, nullum
** adhuc comperi to Kapcpo^ tam magnum, quin majores
" forte ra^ SoKovg in moribus ipsorum conspicere liceat.
" Et ubi interim fraterna ilia inter fratres admonitio,
" quam tantopere exigit evangelica cautio ? ubi dis-

** ciplina ilia apostolica eXey^ov, eirnlixricrov^ irapaKOL^

** \€<Tov ? Certe plusquam atrox facinus intercedat
** oportet, quod tam atroci ejectionis vindicatione
" luendum sit ; sed latet in hac herba alius fortasse
" anguis, quam quia isti proferre non audent, ego in
" lucem producam. Flagrat collegium hoc horribili
** factione, cujus altera pars propensioribus studiis
•* incumbit in suum praesidentem ; altera istorum
est quos dice rHv KaOaporepcov^ qui modis omnibus
dant operam ut partes sui prsesidis labefactent, ip-
sumque vel in suam redigant potestatem, vel sede
prorsus evertant. Quia vero filius mens cum altero
ejus collega, prsefecto suo, ita ut par erat, inclina-
tior videbatur, propterea societate exhaeredatur.
" Accedit huic et alia causa^ quam tam filio quam
•* mihi ipsi imputo.

Quod si enim is essem, qui perbacchari cum eis
contra episcopos, et archi-episcopos, aut scribam
me praebere illorum ordini, hoc est, insanire cum
" illis voluissem, nunquam istos in me aculeos exa-
cuissent. Nunc quia totus ab iis alienus partes
" illas sectari maluerim, quae modestiae sunt, et pub-
" licae tranquiilitatis, hinc odim in me conceptum

tt
((

((
tt

394 I%€ Church History book ix.

A.D. 1575/* jam diu^, in banc demum efferbuit acerbitatem.

_! L " Quod cum ita sit, non jam quid mea causa velitis

" facere, id postulo, quin potius quid vestra ipsorum
*^ causa cogitandum sit, vos qui proceres estis
*^ ecclesise etiam atque etiam deliberatse. Quod ad
^^ me autem attinet, quamyis erepta filio societas
*^ baud leni afficit animum aegritudine, tamen quia
res privata agitur, boc fero moderatius. Magis me
commovet publicae ecclesiae ratio. Videor enim
" suboriri quoddam bominum genus, qui si invales-
" cant, viresque in boc regno colligant, piget bic
" referre, quid futurae perturbationis prsBsagit mibi
" animus. Olim sub monacborum fucata bypocrisi
^^ quanta sit nata lues religioni Cbristianse, minime
ignorat prudentia tua. Nunc in istis nescio quod
novum monacborum genus reviviscere videtur,
" tanto illis pemiciosius, quanto calidiore fallendi
" artificio sub praetextu perfectionis personati isti
" bistriones gravius occultant venenum. Qui dum
omnia exigunt ad strictissimae suae disciplinae et
conscientiae gnomones, baud videntur prius desituri,
" donee omnia in Judaicam redigant servitutem. Sed
" de iis alias, pleniore fortassis manu, eai/ eiriTpeirri 6

^ KVpi09*

" Interim celeberrimae tuae dignitati vir bonorande*,
^ cum publico ecclesiae nomine, et animum istum,
" et sedem quam tenes merito gratulor, tum mea
" privatim causa ob singulare tuum in me studium
" gratias babeo permaximas. Precorque Dominum
"omnium gratiarum fontem cumulatissimum, ut
" ecclesiam suam periculosissimis iis temporibus pro-

^ [Here a few lines are lost, corresponding to the reverse of
those above.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 896

** pugnet ac tueatur, ut pastores se dignos faveat,A.D. 1575.

I O XillZ*

" proYehatque, turn inter istos, te inprimis sacns

" ipsius bonis donisque indies magis magisque locu-

** pletet, 09 Kav a-oi avairoSolti ra^ Icrofierpovg afioifia^
** Tffg irapcucXii(r€(o^, ^9 l^ev fioi *jrap€i')(ov ra TrapaKXpjriKa

** tSi/. ypafA/jLarofv crov. Amplissime juxta ac oraatis-
** sime praesul,

" Tuus in Christo KaSSvva/uLiv^

" Joannes Foxus."

If this good man appeareth too passionate herein,
score it neither on his old age nor on his affection to
his son, but on the unjust affront offered unto him,
who at last was restored fellow by the queen her
mandate ; and he privately cast out by a faction, to
his great disgrace, was publicly brought in again by
authority, to his greater reputation.

16. We may plainly perceive, by this letter, how The vio-
powerful the party of nonconformists was grown atJ^dnL
this time, and to what violences and extravagancies ^"^*^*™"'***
some went in their practices; insomuch that Dr.
Humphry, then president of Magdalen's, and Mr.

Fox himself, (both which scrupled subscription in
some particulars,) were deserted by them as luke-
warm and remiss in the cause. Yea, even of those
who were duriores puritani all were not equally
rigid ; but Coleman, Burton, Hallingham, and Benson
outdid all of their own opinions. Thus those loaves
which are eftisdem fariruB (of the same meal, yea of
<me hatch, out of the same oven) are not all hard
and crusty alike.

17. The death of Matthew Parker, archbishop of The death
Canterbury, added much to their increase. He was of Matthew

Parker.

a Parker indeed, careful to keep the fences and shut [May 17.

396 The Church History book ix«

A.D. 1575. the gates of discipline against all such night-stealers
-i as would invade the same. No wonder, then, if the

His memo-

tongues and pens of many were whetted against him,
whose complaints are beheld by discreet men like
the exclamations of truantly scholars against their
master's severity, correcting them for their faults.
This archbishop was an excellent antiquary, (without
any anticknesse,) a great benefactor to Bennet College
in Cambridge, on which he bestowed many manu-
scripts, so that that library (for a private one) was
the sun of English antiquity in those days ; though
now no more than the moon, since that of sir Robert
Cotton's is risen up.
^^^ 18. But a large author, though not daring to deny
lewJy as- due praises to his memory, causelessly taxed him for
being too pontifical in his buildings and feastings;
particularly he charged him, that whereas the pope
thundered out an excommunication against queen
Elizabeth, yet, saith he, " I read of no refutation
" made of it by this arch-prelate ;" as if this were
such a sin of omission in him, and he bound by his
place to answer every Romish railing Rabshekah **.
But let him know that in his learned book of Anti--
qtdtates Britannic(B he hath laid down those histo-
rical grounds which may be iipproved to the baiting
of the whole herd of popish bulls, or, if you will, to
make all those bubbles sink to nothing : a work out
of which his accuser hath taken so much, that he
cannot pretend to the commendation of industry,
(the poorest praise of a writer,) being no better than
a lazy translator. And as the spleen is subservient

c Mr. Prynne in his Antipathy of Lordly Prelacy, part I.
p. 149.

c£MT. XVI. of Britain. 397

to tlie liver, to take from it only the most putrid and a.d. 1575.

feculent blood, so hath he solely transcribed thence,

and from bishop Godwin's Catalogue, the faults and
filings of all the English prelacy, passing over in
silence their due and just commendation. Edmund
Grindal succeeded him in his place, a prelate most
primitive in all his conversation.

19. We must not forget Margaret the wife ofHisexem-
archbishop Parker, a pattern for all prelates' wives. ^

In the reign of king Henry the Eighth, though
seven years contracted, (by mutual consent forbearing
marriage, then unlawful for clergymen,) such her
fidelity, that she was deaf to richer proffers ; when
married under Edward the Sixth, so modest, that
bishop Ridley asked whether Mrs. Parker had a
sister, intimating that such a consort would make
him recede from his resolution of a single life ^ ; in
queen Mary's days not only great her patience to
partake of, but industry to relieve her husband's
wants ; in queen Elizabeth's time so admirable her
humility, as no whit elated vrith prosperity.

20. Sir Francis Inglefield, (of whom formerly in Privilege

- n -IT n 1 i» 1 V 1 obtained by

the college of Valladolid,) to leave a monument to sir Francis
posterity of his industry and good-will to the catholic fo/jEngiish
cause, he, with William Allen, obtained of pope**^°^**'
Gregory the Thirteenth thirteen indulgences for the
English nation and the well-wishers of their conver-
sion e ; whereof this the first :

d In D. Parker's Life, ex- ** Snare," p. 75, sq. Sir Fran-

tant in Trinity Hall Library cis Inglefield was a very zeal-

in Cambridge. ous supporter of the Roman

^ c [See other instances of catholic cause ; he kept up a

^ these indulgences granted to continual correspondence with

different Englishmeli, in Gee's father Parsons, and. assisted

*• New Shreds of the old Saunders, supporting him for

898 Tlu Church Hutory book ix.

A.D. 1575. « That whosoever should cany about him such

" consecrated beads» fast on Wednesday, forbear one

" meal on Saturday, pray for the holy father the
" pope, the peace of the church, and chiefly for the
^^ reconciling of England, Scotland, and Ireland to
^^ the church of Rome, should have an hmkbed
" years' pardon ; but if this fast be observed with
" bread and water, a thousand years' pardon."

It may seeni in some sort an argument for the
antiquity of those indulgences, that they resent of the
vivacity of the ancient patriarchs before the Flood
in pardoning so many years above the possibility of
our age. Now what becometh of the surplusage of
these pardons, after the party's life, let others dis-
pute ; namely, whether indulgentia moritur cum per--
sona, or whether they be bequeathable by will, and
in ease the person dies intestate, fall, like goods and
chattels, to his next heir. Sure I am sir Francis is
beheld by catholics as a benefector-general to our
nation ; and these grants were solemnly passed svh
annvlo piscatoris, and Glarierius attesting the same.
This sir Francis was afterwards buried in the English
college at Valladolid in Spain, having bountifully
contributed to the erecting thereof.
Th^d'^'h' ^^' James Pilkington, bishop of Durham, ended
of bishop his life, formerly master of St. John's College in
[Jim" aao Cambridge. He was (as appeareth by many of his
letters) a great conniver at nonconformity, and emi-
nent for commencing a suit against queen Elizabeth
for the lands and goods of the earls of Northumber-
land and Westmoreland, after their attainder, as

twelve years. See Strype's tise De Lutheranorum Dissi-
An. IV. 1 92^ and the Life of diis circa Justificationem^ Co-
Saunders, prefixed to his trea- Ion. Agrip. 1594.]

CJCVT. XTi. of Britain. 899

forfeited to him, prince palatine within his diocese, a. D. 1576.
But the queen prevailed, because on her charges she ^

had defended bishop and bishopric against that re-
bellion, when both his infant daughters (conveyed
away in beggars' clothes) were sought for to be
killed by the papists. These afterwards, with four
thousand pounds apiece, were married, the oiie to
sir Henry Harrington, the other to Mr. Dunce of
Berkshire ; which portions the courtiers of that age
did behold with envious eyes, for which the bishopric
sped no whit the better.

22. The same year concluded the life of Edward And of Mr.
Deering *, an eminent divine, bom of a very ancient ^'
and worthy family in Kent, bred fellow of Christ's
College in Cambridge, a pious man and painful
preacher, but disaffected to bishops and ceremonies.
Once, preaching before queen Elizabeth, he told her

that when in persecution under her sister queen
Mary, her motto was tanquam ovis, as a sheep ; but
now it might be tanquam indomita juvenca^ as an
untamed heifer. But surely the queen still retained
much of her ancient motto as a sheep, in that she
patiently endured so public, and conceived causeless,
reproof, m inflicting no punishment upon him, save
commanding him to forbear fiirther preaching at the
court.

23. Rowland Jenkes, a popish bookseller, was a strange
indicted at the summer assizes in Oxford for dis- S^bxfodi.
persing of scandalous pamphlets defamatol'y to the
queen and state. Here, on a sudden, happened a
strange mortality, whereof died

^ [He was father of the celebrated sir Edward Deering.]

400 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1576. Sir Robert Bell, lord chief baron, a great lawyer.
'^ ^"'' Sir Robert De Oile.

Sir William Babington.
Mr. De Oile, high sheriff.

Mr. Wenman, Mr. Danvers, Mr. Fettiplace, Mr.
Harcourt, justices.

Mr. Kerle, Mr. Greenwood, Mr. Foster, Mr.
Nash, gentlemen of good account.

Sergeant Bemham, an excellent pleader.

Almost all the jurymen, and of other persons there
present three hundred died in the town ^, and two
hundred more, sickening there, died in other places
within a month ; amongst whom not either woman
or child ^.
Improved 24. Saudors calleth this inqens miractdum, and

by papists , ,

to their ascriboth it as a just punishment on the cruelty of

vantage. ^^^ judgo for Sentencing the stationer to lose his

ears ^ ; adding moreover, that the protestants (whose

philosophers and physicians could not find the natural

cause thereof) gave it out that the papists by magic

arts had procured this infection. The best is, his

words are no slanders.

Sir Francis 25. But hear how a profound scholar, no less

judgment happy iu finding than diligent in searching the mys-

tioussmdis. teries of nature, and utterly unconcerned in this

quarrel, delivereth his judgment in the like case ^ :

'^ The most pernicious infection, next to the
" plague, is the smell of the gaol, when prisoners
" have been long and close, nastily kept ; whereof

fS Camden's Eliz. in hoc an. ^ Natural Hist. Cent. X.

^ Stow's Chron. p. 681. No. 914.

i De Schism. Angl. p. 300.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

401

(6
6ft

«ft

we have had experience twice or thrice in our a. d. 1577.
time, when both the judges that sat upon the gaol ^°
and numbers of those that attended the business,
or were present, sickened upon it and died.
Therefore it were good wisdom that, in such cases,
the gaol were aired before they be brought forth ;
otherwise most dangerous are the smells of man's
flesh, or sweat putrified; for they are not those
stinks, which the nostrils straight abhor and expel,
which are most pernicious ; but such airs as have
some similitude with man's body, and so insinuate
themselves, and betray the spirits ^"

1 [Mr. Gilpin, in his ^' Life
** of Bernard Gilpin," p. t 39,
has preserved an original letter^
written by an Oxford student
resident at that time in the
university, describing the effects
of this sickness. '' The terrible
" distemper among us/' says
the writer, " of which you have
** undoubtedly heard, hath made
'* it indeed a dreadful time to
" us. During the first six days
" there died ninety-five, se-
** v.enty of whom were scholars.
" This is not conjecture, but
** appears from the mayor's list.
" The infection does not con-
" fine itself to the town, but
'' begins to spread in the coun-
" try, where, if our accounts
are true, it hath carried off
numbers of people. Those
'' who are seized with it are in
" the utmost torment ; their
** bowels are burnt up, they
" call earnestly for drink, they
** cannot bear the touch of
clothes, they entreat the
standers-by to throw cold
" water upon them ; some-

FULLER, VOL. IV.

«<

** times they are quite mad,
" rise upon their keepers, run
" naked out of houses, and
" often endeavour to put an
*^ end to their lives. The phy-
** sicians are confounded, de-
claring they have met with
nothing similar either in their
*' reading or practice ; the
*' greater part 6f them, I am
" told, have now left the town,
'' either out of fear for them.
" selves, or conscious that they
*^ can do no good. This dread-
*' ful distemper is now gene-
*' rally attributed to some jail
'* infection brought into court
** at the assizes ; for it is re-
" markable that the first in-
" fected were those only who
" had been there. Few women
'* or old men have died."

Some valuable remarks, con-
taining a detailed account of
the progress and effects of this
distemper, have been printed
in Wood's History of the Uni-
versity under this year. Dr.
Birch likewise has inserted, in
tho Philosophical Transactions,

402 The Church History book ix.

-^•^vl577- Of these mortalities, mentioned by this author,

the first probably was this at Oxford, happening

within the verge of youthful memory ; the other two
at Hereford, in the reigns of king James and king
Charles. The like chanced, some four years since,
at Croydon in Surrey, where a great depopulation
happened, at the assizes, of persons of quality ; and
the two judges, baron Yates and baron Rigby, get-
ting their banes there, died few days after. Yet
here no papists were arraigned to amount it to a
popish miracle ; so that Sanders his observation is
no whit conclusive, natural causes being afforded of
such casualties.
Many a gg^ ^^Q j^av remember how, in the year one

pnest exe- -^ "^

cuted. thousand five hundred seventy and one, a severe law
was made against such who brought any superstitious
trinkets (badges of the Romish vassalage) into Eng-
land. This law lay dormant for these last six years,
and was never put into execution, that papists might
not pretend themselves surprised into punishment
through the ignorance of the law, so long a time
being allowed xmto them that they might take
serious cognizance of the said statute in this behalf;
and therefore let such catholics who complain of
cruelty herein produce a precedent of the like lenity
amongst them used to offenders. But now one
Nor. 29. Cuthbert Maine, a priest, was drawn, hanged, and
quartered at Launceston in Cornwall, for his ob-
stinate maintaining of the papal power; and one
Trugion, a gentleman of that county, was condemned
to loss of all his goods, and perpetual imprisonment,
for affording harbour unto him •".

some extracts from the regis- m [gee Bridgewater's Con-
ters of Merton College respect- certatio^ f. 50, 291^ 30 t.]
ing the ravages of this disease.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

403

27. Hitherto the English bishops had been viva- a. d. 1577
cious almost to wonder ; for, necessarily presumed of _il.^!l!L
good years before entering on their office, in the^tyj/^*"
first of queen Elizabeth, it was much that but five^^^^^^
died for the first twenty years of her reign ; whereas bishops.
now seven deceased within the compass of two

years °. Thus when a generation of contemporary
persons begins to crack, it quickly falls ; and the
leases of their clay cottage, commencing, it seems,
much from the same date, at the same term did
expire. We will severally reckon them up, the
rather because all the remarks of church history for
those two years is folded up in their characters.

28. Nicholas BuUingham began the breach, trans- 'I'he death
lated from Lincoln to Worcester, whereat my author® BuUmg-
doth much admire, conceiving (belike) such advance- ^^
ment a degradation ; and can only render this reason,

that for his own ease he changed a larger for a
lesser diocese. But what if Worcester were also the
better bishopric, and so the warmer seat for his old
ageP?

29- William Bradbridge, bred in Magdalen College Jan. 27.
in Oxford, bishop of Exeter, was snatched away with
a sudden death ; and in the same year Edmund
Guest, bishop of Salisbury, bred in King's College
in Cambridge, who wrote many books, (reckoned up Feb. 28.

" We account in this num-
ber not any popish bishops, nor
Scory and Barlow, protestants,
made in the reign of king Ed«
ward.

^ Sir J. Harrington, II. p.
112.

P [Of BuUingham, see Wood's
Ath. 1. 702. He was translated
to Worcester in 1 5 7 1 . The writ

for restoring to him the tem-
poralities of this see, dated
Feb. 14, is printed by Rymer,
XV. 689. He died 1 8th April,
1576^ and was succeeded by
Whitgift, afterwards archbi-
shop of Canterbury. Brad-
bridge died in 1578, and Guest
in 1576.]

D d 2

404

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1578. by John Bale,) bought and bestowed more on the

library of Salisbury, the case whereof was built by

bishop Jewel.
ch^ey, a ^^' Richard Cheyney, bishop of Bristol, holding
great Lu- Gloucester therewith in dispensation, bred in Cam-

theran, *-

wrongfully bridge, of whom Mr. Camden giveth this character,
die a papist, that he was Luthero addictissimus, "most addicted
" to Luther *i." Bishop Godwin saith, Luthero addic-
tior fortasse quam par eraty " Perchance more ad-
[Aprii 35.] " dieted to Luther than was meet ' ;" adding, more-
over, that in the first convocation in the reign of
queen Mary he so earnestly opposed popery, that
he wondereth how he escaped with life. But I
wonder more how, since his death, the scandalous
rumour is raised that he died a papist, suspended
by archbishop Grindal from his episcopal function ;
and this one, his successor in that see, will persuade
others to believe *.

31. However, the words of Mrs. Goldsborough,
(widow to bishop Goldsborough, of Gloucester,) a
grave matron, prevailed with me to the contrary;
who at a public entertainment, in the presence of
many, and amongst them of my judicious friend \
gave a just check to this false report, and avowed
that to her knowledge he died a true and sincere
protestant ".

His vindi-
cation.

4 Camd. in his Eliz. 1559.

^ In his catalogue of the
bishops of Gloucester.

s All my search cannot find
out such an instrument in any
office. [The successor men-
tioned here is bishop Grood-
man.]

* Mr. Langley, the worthy
schoolmaster of St. Paul's.

^ [Strype has preserved some
interesting anecdotes respecting
him in his Annals, I. 280. The
secret of this bishop's inclina-
tion to Lutheranism consisted
in this, that he disliked the
proceedings of Hooper, his
predecessor in the see of Glou-
cester, who, as Strype observes^
" did not much affect ceremo-

CENT. XVI,

of Britain.

405

32. Robert Home succeeded, bom in the bishop- a. d. 1578.

^ «i Eliz.

ric of Durham, bred at St. John's in Cambridge, one
valido et fcecundo ingenio^ (saith my author,) " of a June i.
" spriteful and fruitful wit ^ ;" one who would go
through whatsoever he undertook, be it against
papists or nonconformists ; and his adversaries' play-
ing with his name (as denoting his nature hard and
inflexible) nothing moved him to abate of his reso-
lution.

33. Thomas Bentham followed him, bishop offoiiowed

by bishop

Coventry and Lichfield, bred in Magdalen College Bentham.

Feb. 21.

•* nies either of habits or oma-
** meats of religion, nor allowed
*' of any manner of corporeal
*' presence in the sacrament."
.These statements were dili-
gently promulgated by Hooper
and his clerks^ and had gained
strength and influence in Che-
ney's time* who, on the con-
trary, was for retaining many
of the ancient customs, and
opposed the removal of images,
pictures, and cruciHxes from
their places in the church.
Grindal, whose sentiments
leaned to the extremities of
puritanism, not only disliked
him^ but appears to have taken
some active steps against him ;
and treasurer Cecil, a back
friend of the church, who is said
to have revised Camden's His-
tory^ may not improbably have
influenced the historian's pen.
Strype has summed his cha-
racter with impartiality, in the
following words : " He was an
" excellent man, both in his
" nature and his learning, his
" urbanity and his manners.
"' He kept good hospitality for

t€

" the citizens and other good
" men, and preserved his palace
'* and farms in good case and
'* condition. He was in judg-
'* ment for the unerring of
'^general councils; and when
" that of Carthage was objected
" to him, how it erred about
*' the baptism of heretics, he
" said that the Holy Ghost
was promised not to one pro-
vince, but to the church ;
adding, that no doctrine could
be shewn that had universally
*' decei ved an oecumenical coun-
*' cil. And on this he built his
** real presence in the sacra-
" ment : because this was the
ancient faith, and the Chris-
tian world and the company
of bishops, who were the
" keepers of that which was
" committed to the church,
** (custodes depositi,) held this
** doctrine. And he used to
'* commend these as the inter.
'* preters of scripture." He died
April 2 5, 1 5 79, between the age
of sixty.fi ve and sixty-six.]

X Camden's Eliz. in arniQ
1559. [He died June 1, 1580.]

Dd3

406 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1578. in Oxford, of whose Christian valour in that college,

against superstition in queen Mary's reign, we have

spoken before y.
The death 34. Richard Cox, bishop of Ely, concludes this

of bishop ^ ''

Cox. bill of mortality, tutor to king Edward the Sixth,
" ^ * of whom largely before in the troubles at Frankfort.
I am sorry so much is charged on his memory, and
so little can be said in his vindication, and would
willingly impute it, not to his want of innocence, but
ours of intelligence. It moves me much his accusa-
tion of covetousness ^ dilapidating, or rather delig-
nating his bishopric, cutting down the woods thereof,
for which he fell into the queen's displeasure ; but
am more offended at his taking (if true) the many
ancient manuscripts from Oxford, under the pretence
of a visitation. He was an excellent poet, though
the verses written on his own tomb are none of the
best, and scarce worth our translating :

Vita caduca vale^ salveto vita jpermnis^
Corpus terra tegity spiritm alta petit ;
In terra ChriMi gallus Christum remnabam^
Da Christe in ccelisy te sine fine sonem.

Frail life farewell, welcome life without end !
Earth hides my corpse, my soul doth heav'n ascend ;
Christ's cock on earth, I chanted Christ his name.
Grant without end in heaven I sound the same !

It seems some took exceptions at the epitaph, as
parcel-popish, because (though supposing his pos-

y [See also the Worthies, 106, [who mentions this cir-

III. p. 410. He died in 1579.] cumstance as a mere suggestion

2 Said to feed his serv- whispered against him to bring

ants with powdered venison, him into disrepute with queen

(shrewdly hurt,) to save other Elizabeth. He died in 1581.

meats. Sir J. Harrington^ ii. Strype, An. III. i. p. 37.]

CENT. XVI. of' Britain, 407

jsession) prajring for the perpetuation of his hap- a. d. 1578.
piness ; and on that account, twenty years after his Jtll^

death, it was partly demolished.

35. This year also sir Thomas Gresham ended his Gresham
life, whose Royal Exchange in London, with all the founded by
magnificence thereof, could not properly entitle him g^w**
to a mention in this our Church History, had he not

also by his will bequeathed maintenance for the
erecting of a college in Bishopsgate Street, allowing
an annual salary of fifty pounds to several professors
in divinity, civil law, physic, astronomy, geometry,
music, and rhetoric. It is therefore no mistake in
•Mercator * when counting three universities in Eng-
land — Cambridge, Oxford, and London ; seeing the
last may be so esteemed, both in relation to the inns
of court and this college.

36. The Family of Love began now to grow soTheob-
numerous, factious, and dangerous, that the privy ^^^ o^jhe
council thought fit to endeavour their suppression. ^*°"^'^'
Being now to deduce the original of this sect, we
desire that the clock of time on the margin of our

book may stand still, intending not to discompose
the method of years therein; though we go back-
ward for a while in our history, to fetch in the be-
ginning of these Familists. Most obscure was their
original, according to the apostle's w^ords. There are
certain men crept in unawares ^ — crept in, shewing
the slowness of their pace and the lowness of their
posture ; the latter proceeding partly from their
guiltiness, not daring to go upright, to justify, avouch,
and maintain their doctrine ; partly out of policy, to
work themselves in the more invisibly ^. But these

a In his Atlas, p. 66. « Isaiah xxx. 6.

^ Jude 4.

Dd 4

408

Tlie Church HlHory

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1578. creepers at first turned fliers afterward, (flying ser-

pents no contradiction ;) so that tile state accounted

it necessary to cut down their arrogancy and increase,
whose beginning, with the means thereof, we come
now to relate.

37. One Henry Nicholas **, born in Amsterdam,

Henry
Nicholas,
their first
founder.

t€

^ [An account of Nicholas
and his sect was published by
John Rogers, in a little volume
entitled " The Displaying of
an horrible Sect of gross
and wicked Heretics, naming
'^ themselves the Family of
'^ Love ; with the Lives of
their Authors, and what Doc-
trine they teach in comers.
'* Newly set forth by J. R.
•' Whereunto is added certain
** Letters sent from the same
'^ family maintaining their opi-
'* nions^ which Letters are an-
" swered by the same J. R.
•• Lond. 1579." The first edi-
tion was printed in 1578. In
his preface the author says,
** Touching his [Nicholas*]
*' person atid behaviour, I have
•• the testimony of divers an-
** cient persons, and of good
'* credit, of the Dutch church,
^* who have been acquainted
** with the same H. N., and
" have dwelt together in one
" city and in one street, being
*' near neighbours and familiar
" friends, who have declared
" and testified the certainty of
" his behaviour and demeanour.
" And touching his doctrine I
" have used this order, to set
* * down the author's own speech,
" not adding or diminishing
*• any thing, with the name of
" the book, chapter, and folio.'*
This Henry Nicholas was a

disciple of the notorious David
George, who fled from Holland,
his native country, for fear of
being discovered and punished
by the magistrates. He died
at London, the 1 6th of August^
1556, and was buried in the
parish church of St. Leonard's.
Many of his disciples forsook
his heresies after his death, de-
ceived in the assurance he had
made them that he should never
die ; but if he did, he i^ould
rise again within three years,
and fulfil all his former pro-
mises. But Henry Nicholas
still continued in his errors,
disseminating them in his own
name, and giving out that he
had received them by an imme-
diate revelation from God. His
principal disciple was one Chris-
topher Vittel, a joiner, dwellii^
sometime in Southwivk, who
went up and down the country
to make proselytes, and trans-
lated these books of Nicholas^
which were written in the
Dutch language.

Further information respect-
ing this sect, principally derived
from contemporary pamphlets,
will be found in Pagitt's He-
resiography, p. 105, sq. ; Dr.
Henry More's Grand Explana-
tion of the Mystery of God-
liness, Lib. VI. c. 12 — 18;
Jo. Hornbeck, Summa Contro-
vers. Lib. VI. p. 393 ; and a

CfiNT. XVI.

of Britain,

409

first vented this doctrine (about the year 1550) in a. d. 1580.

his own country. He was one who wanted learning L

in himself, and hated it in others, and yet was con-
ceived, (which at first procured pity unto him,)
though of wild and confused notions, with absurd
and improper expressions, yet of honest and harm-
less intentions. Men thought him unable, both to
manage his apprehensions whole, (as to make sense
of them,) and too weak by distinctions to parcel and
divide them, wanting logic for that purpose ; and
yet they charitably conceived his mind might be
better than his mouth, and that he did mean better
than he could interpret his own meaning ; for, meet-
ing with many places in scripture * which speak the
union and communion of Christians with Christ,
Christ with God, (how quickly are mysteries made
blasphemies when unskilful hands meddle vrith
them,) he made of them a most carnal-spiritual
exposition.

38. Yea, in process of time he grew so bad, that His mock-
charity itself would blush to have a favourable g^ie.
thought of his opinions. Not content to confine
his errors to his own country, over he comes into
England, and in the latter end of the reign of
king Edward the Sixth joined himself to the Dutch
congregation in London, where he seduced a number
of artificers and silly women ; amongst whom two

tract entitled " A Confutation
•' of certain Articles delivered
•• nnto the Family of Love ;
" with the Exposition of Theo-
** philus, a supposed Elder in
*' the same Family, upon the
•• same Articles. By William
•' Wilkinson, M.A., from Cam-
" bridge. Sept.30,1579. With

'* a brief and true Description
" of the first springing up of
** the Heresy termed the Fa-
'* mily of Love. With Notes
*' collected out of their Gospel
" by J[ohn] Y[onge,] bishop
•• of Rochester. Lond. 1579."
4to.]

« John xvii. 21^ 22, 23, &c.

410

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1580. daughters of one Warwick (to whom he dedicated

— '■ an epistle) were his principal perverts. Mr. Martin

Micronius and Mr. Nicholas Charineus^, then the
ministers of the Dutch congregation, zealously con-
futed his errors ; but it seems their antidotes pierced
not so deep as his poisons. Many of our English
nation were by him deceived ; and may the reader
but peruse this his mock-apostolic style, (his charm
to delude silly people therewith,) and let him tell
me whether the ape did not well deserve a whip for
his over-imitation therein 5 :

" ^ H. N., through the grace and mercy of God,

f [According to the tract
published by Kiiewstub, f. 89,
b, (see below^) Charinaeus died
about the beginning of Sept.

8 In his Evangelium Regni,
or the Gospell and joyfull Mes-
sage of the Kingdome. [In
the year 1580 a proclamation
was issued against this book
and its author. See it in Wil-
kins, IV. 297. The Evange-
lium Regni was originally writ-
ten in German, from which it
was translated into Latin. A
copy of this Latin translation
is in the Bodleian; it is a small
volume in 1 2mo, without date,
printer's or author's name. A
great part of this was translated
into English by J. Newstub,
in his answer to Nicholas, en.
titled *' A Confutation of mon-
" strous and horrible Heresies
" taught by H. N., and em-
" braced of a number who call
" themselves the Familie of
" Love. By J. Knewstub.
" Seene and allowed, &c. Im-
'* printed in London, at the

" Three Cranes in the Vine-
*' tree, by Thomas Dawson, for
" Richard Crozier. 1579." 4to.
Black letter. This book is de-
dicated to Ambrose [Dudley,]
earl of Warwick. At the end
of it is *' A Confutation of the
*' Doctrine of David George
" and H. N., the father of the
" Familie of Love. By M.
'* Martyn Micronius, Minister
** of the Woorde in the Dutche
" Churche at London, under
" Edward the VI. of blessed
" memory, king of England;
" taken out of his booke
** concerning holy assemblies,
*^ whiche hee wrote in Latine a
'* litle before his death, at Nord
" in East Freeslande ; which
*' also afterwards M. Nicholas
<' Carinseussetfoorthpubliquely
" in printe, certain things being
" added unto it, translated
** woorde for woorde into Eng-
'* lishe." The original of this
treatise of Micronius I have
never been able to discover.]

^ [This translation is from
Knewstub's book, f. i .]

CENT. XVI. ofBrHain, 411

and through the Holy Spirit of the love of Jesus a. d. 1580.

Christ, raised up by the highest God from the t 1_

death, according to the providence of God and his
promises, anointed with the Holy Ghost in the old
" age of the holy understanding of Jesus Christ ;
godded with God in the Spirit of his love ; made
heir with Christ in the heavenly goods of the
" riches of God ; illuminated in the Spirit with the
" heavenly truth, the true light of the perfect being ;
" elected to a minister of the gracious word, (which
" is now in the last time raised up by God, according
" to his promises,) in the most holy service of God,
" under the obedience of his love."

The followers of this Nicholas assumed to them-
selves the title of the Family of Love. Family of
faith we find in scripture * ; but this new name was
one first invented by and falsely applied unto this
faction, who might more fitly (from Nicholas, their
father and founder) be styled Nicolaitans, as their
namesakes (hated by God for their filthiness ^) were
called so from Nicolas the proselyte of Antioch ^
These familists, besides many monstrosities they
maintained about their communion with God, atte-
nuated all scriptures into allegories, and, under pre-
tence to turn it into spirit, made them airy, empty,
nothing. They counterfeited revelations, and those
not explicatory or applicatory of scripture, (such may
and must be allowed to God's servants in all ages,)
but additional thereunto, and of equal necessity and
infallibility to be believed therewith. In a word, as
in the small-pox, (pardon my plain and homely, but
true and proper comparison,) when at first they

i Gal. VI. 10. k Rev. ii. 6. 1 Acts vi. 5.

412 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 158a kindly come forth, every one of them may severally

and distinctly be discerned ; but when once they run

and matter, they break one into another, and can no
longer be dividedly discovered : so, though at first
there was a real difference betwixt Fami lists. Enthu-
siasts, Antinomians, (not to add high-flown Anabap-
tists,) in their opinions, yet (process of time plucking
up the pales betwixt them) afterwards they did so
interfere amongst themselves, that it is almost im-
possible to bank and bound their several absurdities.
The fami- 39. The practiccs of these Familists were worse
in practice than their opinions. They grieved the Comforter,
nion.^^*' charging all their sins on God's Spirit for not effec-
tually assisting them against the same ; accounting
themselves as innocent as the maid forced in the
field, crying out, and having none to Jielp her *". Yea,
St. Paul's supposition. Shall we continue in sin, that
grace wuy abound "* ? was their position. What he
started from, they embraced ; what he branded with
a God foi'hidj they welcomed with a Well done, good
and faithful servant : sinning on design, that their
wickedness might be a foil to God's mercy, to set it
off the brighter.
Their ab- 40. The prfvy couucil therefore took them into
juration, consideration, and tendered unto them this following
abjuration ^ :

" Whosoever teacheth that the dead which are
" fallen asleep in the Lord rise up in this day of
" his judgment, and appear unto us in godly glory,
" which shall henceforth live in us everlastingly with

T^ Deut. xxii. 27. this book, see after. The au-

^ Rom. vi. I. thor of it possessed the original

o [Supplication of the Fa- paper of this abjuration men-

mily of Love, &c. p. 26. Of tioned in the text.]

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

413

" Christ, and reign upon the earth, is a detestable a. d. 1580.
" heretic. Whosoever teacheth, that to be bom of — — ^—
" the Virgin Mary, out of the seed of David after
" the flesh, is to be expounded of the pure doctrine
" out of the seed of love, is a detestable heretic.
" Whosoever teacheth, that Jesus Christ is come
again unto us, according to his promise, to the
end that they all which love God and his righte-
ousness, and Christ and his perfect being, might
presently enter into the true rest, which God hath
prepared from the beginning for his elect, and
inherit the everlasting life, is a detestable heretic."

€(

6€

No fewer than ten of the privy council tendered
this abjuration to each Familist, but with what suc-
cess I find not P. If any of these Familists were of
their opinion in higher Germany, who were called
liJ^e^n fratres % " free brethren," who maintained
themselves delivered by Christ from all covenants,
vows, and debts, (if from prison, too, on denial of
payment, it were excellent,) all was to little purpose,
seeing a bird may as soon be impounded as these
spirits confined by any oaths or carnal obligation.

P [With very little, as it
should seem, since they grew
very numerous. See after. The
author of the '* Supplication,
'• &c." observes, " Have thev
" [the family of love] not heard
" nor known of these things
'* by lawful authority per-
'* formed, which were both
" heard and made known both
** in court and country ; the
•* party^ some of them and the
'* chiefest, yet living and in
'^ court which so abjured ; and

'* their children in right ancient
'* place about his majesty, be-
" fore whom they abjured ?"
p. 28. See also a letter of
John Woolton, bishop of Exe-
ter, to lord treasurer Burleigh,
commenting upon the increase
of this sect in his diocese. 6th
June, 158 1. Strype's Annals,
App. III. p. II.]

*J See Rutherford's Survey
of the Spiritual Antichrist, p.
II.

414

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D.i58o.pagg we from them to others more dangerous, be-

23 Eliz. . ®

cause more learned, even the Jesuits, (hoping at last

to light on the temperate zone, when we have done
with these dull, frozen, ignorant sectaries, and fiery,
torrid, over-active papists,) whereof two principal
ones, Parsons and Campian, living at Rome, impor-
tuned his holiness for license to come over into
England '.
Parsons 4X, Haviug obtained this gracious faculty, over

pian a>me they come into England, and distil superstition and
Snd. Their disloyalty into the queen's subjects. This Parsons
J^^^^' was a Somersetshire, man, formerly of BalHol College
in Oxford, till for his dishonesty he was expelled
with disgrace *. But what Oxford cast away for
dross Rome received for gold, entertaining and re-
warding him as a man of a daring and undertaking
spirit, and of a nature turbulent and seditious. Cam-
pian, bom in London, and bred in St. John's College
of the same university, (whereof he was proctor, anno
1568,) was one of a sweet nature, constantly carrying
about him the charms of a plausible behaviour ; of a

' [They were the special per-
sons to whom was entrusted
the executing of the sentence
of the bull of pope Pius V.
See their faculties in the '' Ex-
•' ecution of Justice, &c." So-
mers' Tracts, I. 197. See also
Carleton's Thank. Rem. 57.]

s Camden's Eliz. anno 1580.
[These insmuations against fa-
ther Parsons must be received
with caution. From his acti-
vity and great abilities he was
greatly disliked by his oppo-
nents, who were of two sorts,
the seminary priests and the
protestants. No man served

his church with greater zeal,
nor gave greater activity to the
decayingelements of Romanism.
Almost all the foreign colleges
which were erected during this
reign for the maintenance of
the Romish religion owed their
foundation to his exertions. It
is not indeed fair to judge a
man by his Avritings, but one
can scarcely conceive the author
of " The Christian Directory"
to have been an immoral man,
much less of the debased cha-
racter which his enemies repre-
sent him ; — a book unrividled
in its kind.]

VENT. XVI,

f)f Britain,

415

fluent toDgue and good parts, which he knew how a. d. 1580
to shew to the best advantage. These two effectu- ^^ ^^ -
ally advanced the Roman cause, appearing in moe
several shapes than Proteus himself — in the dis-
guised habits of soldiers, courtiers, ministers of the
word, apparitors, as they were advised by their profit
and safety * ; and, as if his holiness had infused an
ubiquitariness into them, they acted in city, court,
and country. Parsons was the axe to hew knotty
controversies, where deep learning was needful ;
Campian was the planer, to come after him and
smooth matters with his eloquence : yea, the former
frighted fearful people into popery with his fierce-
ness ; the latter flattered them in it with his courte-
ous behaviour ". But none can give a better account
of Campian's proceedings than this his own letter
which followeth :

** To the right reverend father Everard Mercurian,
• * provost general of the society of Jesus v.
"After that, trusting on God's goodness, I live
" now the fifth month in these parts, I thought it

* [Personating a captain re-
turning from Flanders to Eng-
land ; provided '* with a dress
** of bu£F, layd with gold lace,
^* with hatt and feather suited
*• to the same." From Parson's
Journal, in Collectanea S. J., p.
145, printed at Exeter, 1838.]]

^ [Campian possessed more
showy than solid abilities. His
chief tract, ^' Decern Rationes
'< propositse in Causa iidei,"
publidied in his Opuscula by
Sylv. Petra Sancta, is more
remarkable for elegancy and
fluency of style than solid rea-
soning, for bold and unfounded

assertions, put forth indeed in
very neat and lively Latinity.
The most complete Life of
Campian was written by Paulo
Bembino, a Jesuit, and pub-
lished at Antwerp, 1618, 1 2mo.
Other tracts relating to him
will be found in Wood's life of
him in the Athen. I. p. 356.
Father Parsons was a very tall
and handsome man, with a
pleasing address, to which on
more than one occasion he was
indebted for his safety.]

▼ [The original, in Latin, is
printed in Bridgewater's Con-
cert. Eccl. Cath. p. 3, and in

ii
it

416 The Church History book ix.

A.D. is8o.«< my duty, reverend father, to acquaint you by let-

33 £liz« ti <i

^* ters what the state of our matters is, and what it

" is likely to be ; for I know full well that you
** desire to know what I do, what I hope, how I
" profit ; and that both out of constant care for the
" common good, and also out of the great love you

bear unto myself. The former I wrote from St.

Omer's: now receive, in few words, what things
** have since happened unto us.

" I impute it as proceeding from Divine Pro-
" vidence, that, whereas I had waited four full days

X A good wind which " for a prosperous wind ^ at

blows a traitor to Tyburn, "last on the fifth (which

was the feast of John Baptist, and my tutelary

saint, to whom I had often commended both my

** cause and journey) at even we put forth to sea.

" The next day very early we arrived at Dover, I

" and my little man, where we escaped very nar-

" rowly that both of us were

fj Sd'stuSe 'i: " -t taken r. Being com-
the threshold, newly land- " manded, we appear before
*^l"u}'\'''"^^°""' "^'' "the major of the town; he

probable he that was sus- *'

pected at his coming in " conjectures several things,

will be detected before *« guessing US to be, what in-
his going out. ., i i i

" deed we were ; namely, ene-

" mies to the heretical party, lovers of the old religion,

" that we had dissembled our names, gone away for

** religion, being returned with desire to propagate

it. One thing he pressed, that I was Alan, which I

Campian's Opusc. by S ylv. Pe- ness of the edition of this letter

tra Sancta, p. 408. Antv.1631. which he used. See a noto-

This letter is not translated rious instance at p. 417. Wher-

with Fuller's usual accuracy ; ever the translation seemed

but this is not so much » fault faulty, I have given the original

of his own as pf the incorrect- in the notes.]

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 417

denied; and, if need had been, I would have de-A.D. 1580.
posed the contrary on my oath ^. -1 — ^

" At last he determines, and this he often repeats,
that we ought to be sent with a guard to the
privy council; nor do I know who altered his
mind, except it were God, to whom in the mean
time I made my silent supplication, using the
intercession of St. John, by whose favour I came
thither. Presently out came the old man, (well
fare his heart for it :) ' It is our pleasure,' said he,
* that you shall be dismissed*.

-n ,T ,. A n * See now a crafty,

« Farewell ! Away we flew, equivocating Jesuit is an

" These and the like things over-match for a country
,-<,.ir -w n ^ 1- T well-meaning magistrate.

" which here I find, when 1 & •&

recount them with myself, I am confirmed in this
opinion, that when the matter shall make more
for God's glory, then I shall be taken, and not

" before ^ _ ,

T- . i T J 4 ^ Caiaphas. Truly pro-

1 amve at London. A ptesied, if truly applied.
good angel led me, without
my knowledge, to the same house which had for-
merly received father Robert. Many gentlemen
run to me, salute me, clothe me, adorn me, arm

" me, send me out of the city^.

" Every day almost I ride „ J^ ?"o ViS'^" persC^^^

" about some coast of the tion, enough almost to

« country <•. The hanrest is jj^^d',2^7 """P*^'"

** altogether very great. Sit-
ting on my horse I meditate a short sermon, which,
coming into the house, I perfectly polish. After-
ward, if any come to me, I discourse with them, or

ti
tt

u
tt

* [Ratlier, " I professed my " quired it.*']

'• willingness to depose the con- " [^ Partem aliquam regio*

** trary on my oath, if he re- nis.']

FULLER, VOL. IV. E 6

418

The Church History

BOOK IX.

23 Eliz.

«(

((

A. D.jisSo. " hear their confessions. In the morning, service being
" done, I make a sermon ; they bring thirsty ears,
" and most frequently « receive the sacraments.

" In the administering of them we are assisted by
" the priests, whom we find every where. Thus it
" comes to pass that both the people are pleased,
" and the work is made less wearisome unto us.
Our countrymen which are priests, being them-
selves eminent for learning and holiness, have raised
*' such a reverend esteem of our order, that I con-
ceive that veneration which the catholics give us

" is not to be mentioned but

** with some fear ^; wherefore

" the more care is to be taken

*^ that such as shall be sent as

a supply unto us (whom now

we very much want) may be

so qualified that they may well undertake all these

" things ^. Above all things,
" let them be well exercised
" in preaching. We cannot
"long escape the hands of
" heretics, so many are the
*' eyes, the tongues, and treach-
" eries of our enemies ^.

" I am in a most antique
" habit ', which I often change ^
" as also my name \ Just now
" I read a letter, in whose front
" it is written, * Campian is
" taken.' This old scmg now

^ Lest the world should
know how simple people
give, and shameless Je-
suits take, so much ho-
nour where so little is
due.

€(

g With fair tongues,
false hearts, cunning
heads, and bold faces.
Campian is the copy^ and
the rest must be like
him.

h His predictions were
indicted from his guilti-
ness. Offenders fear what
they deserve.

^ His often changing
speaks him but a valiant
coward in the cause.

I Homo multorum no^
minum, non boni nomi-
nis.

* [' Frequentissimi,' in great
crowds.]

^ [' Habitu dementissimo.'

He travelled in the disguise of
a puritan. See Ware's Foxes,
&c., 138.]

€t

CJBMT. XVI. of Britain. 419

** SO rings in mine ears, wheresoever I come, that a. d. 1580.

" very fear hath driven all fear from me : my life is —

** always in my hand. Let them that shall be sent
^ hither for our supply bring this along with them,
well thought on beforehand ^.
** But the comforts which are mingled in this
matter are such as not only do recompence the
** fear of pain, but any pains whatsoever, with an
** infinite pleasure ; namely, a pure conscience, un-
** conquered strength, incredible zeal ". Eminent
** work we have effected : innumerable number of
converts, high, low, of the middle rank, of all ages
and sexes. Hence it is grown into a proverb
amongst the heretics themselves, that if any of
" them be better natured than others, they pre-
sently call them catholics S o Would the catholics

who will pay the debts which would themselves pay the
,, . 1 ^r - -^ twenty pound a month

they owe ; msomuch that if ^jiich they owe to the

any catholics should chance king for their recusancy !

to use a man hardly, he is expostulated with in
this respect, that in no case such things ought to
be done by men of their profession.

In brief, heresy is ill reported of all; nor is
there any sort of men more vile and rotten than
"are their ministers p. We p Thus when the hem-

it
€(

U
t€
€t
ftC

" are deservedly full of indig- shaw cannot beat the
"nation, that in so bad a hawk with strength she

dungs upon him. Ramng
cause men so unlearned, so must help where reason

wicked, so dissolute, so vile, wants.
" do domineer over most flourishing wits.

""['Hocafferantmeditatum/] compensant. Conscientia pura,

^ [' Verum quae solatia in hoc robur invictum, ardor incredi-

negotio miscentur ea non solum bilis, opera insignis, numeru8

formidinem poense, sed et poe. innumerabilis, summi, medii,

nas quaslibet infinita dulcedine infimi, omni setate et sexu/]

E e 2

420 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1580. " Most threatening edicts are earned about against

^ !L " us. By wariness, and the prayers of good people,

" and (which is the main) by God's goodness, we
" have in safety gone over a great part of the island.
" I see many forgetting themselves to be careful

" for us % Something hap-

Q Good affections ill .. j • xt_ j t ;

employed. God send " pened, in those days, by

them less heat or more " God's will, which I did not
^ • " so much as hope for,

" I had articulately ^ set down in writing our
" points, and certain most equal demands, confessing
myself to be a priest of the society, coming vrith
an intent to amplify the catholic faith, teach the
" gospel, administer sacraments. I requested audi-
" ence of the queen and the peers of the realm, and

" challenged my adversaries

ThV^L lonj^^^^ " to the combat ». I resolved

duels first surfeit of " to keep one copy to myself,
*^®"- « that it might be carried to

** the judges with me ; another I had committed to
" my friend, with this intent, that if they took me
" and my copy, the other should presently be spread
" abroad *.

" My friend did not conceal it, he published it, it
" is worn in every man's hand. Our adversaries are
" stark mad. Out of their pulpits their preachers
" answer, that they indeed desire it, but the queen
" is not willing that, matters now being settled,
" there should be any farther disputation. They
** rend us with their railings, call us seditious, hypo-

^ ['' Articulate/' by heads or lish universities, prefixed to

articles.] the X. Rationes. Campiani

* [Compare with this the Opusc. p. 1 1 .]
advertisement to the two Eng-

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 421

•* elites, yea, and heretics also, which is most laughed a. d. 1580.

*• at. The people in this point are altogether ours.

*' This error hath made marvellously for our advan-
** tage. If we be commanded on the public faith,
** dabimtis rum curiam ". But they intend nothing less.

•* All our prisons are filled with catholics ; new
** ones are preparing. Now at last they openly
** maintain that it is better to deliver a few traitors

over to death, than to betray the souls of so many
« men. Now they say nothing of their own martyrs,

for we conquer in cause, number, dignity, and the

opinion of all men.

We produce, for a few apostates or cobblers

burnt, bishops ^ \Tegulos:\ , ^^^ ^^^ p^p.^j^ ^._

petty princes, knights, and shop put to death, nor
'* most eminent of the gentry, P^^^ f^ the realm, save

, ° "^ for actual rebellion, m all

(mirrors of learning, honesty, the queen's reign ; where.

"and wisdom,) the choicest as in the Marian days we

. had an archbishop and

** youth, lllustnOUS matrons^ four bishops burnt for

** the rest of middle estate «iere matters of qon.

** almost innumerable, all of
them at once or every day consumed. Whilst I
write these things a most cruel persecution rageth^:
the house is sad ; for they presage either the death
" of their friends, or that, to save their lives, they
" must hide, be in prison, or suffer the loss of all
^ their goods ; yet they go on courageously.

" Very many even now are reconciled to our
" church. New soldiers enlist their names, and old
" ones freely shed their blood. Herewith, and with

^ So my printed copy, where- y [* Moesta domus ; nam aut

in I suspect some mistake. [It mortem suorum pr&dicant, aut

should be, ' dabimus nos in cu- latebras^ aut vincula, aut rapi-

riam/] nam bonorum.*]

Ee 3

422 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1580. " these holy sacrifices, God will be merited, and out
— " of doubt in short time we shall overcome. You

" see therefore, reverend fiither, how much we need

^ your sacrifices, prayers, and heavenly assistance.
" There will be some in England who may pro-

" vide for their own safety, and there will be those
who may promote the good of others. Man may
be angry, and the devil mad : so long the church
here will stand, whilst the shepherds are not want-
ing to their sheep. I am hindered with a report
of a most present danger, that I can write no more

" at this time. Let God arise, and let his enemies be

" scattered.

'' Farewell.

** Edmond Campian."

Campian Secretary Walsingham, one of a steady head, (no
Waking- morc than needful for him, who was to dive into
ten. such whirlpools of state,) laid out for Campian*s
apprehension*. Many were his lime-twigs to this
purpose ; some of his emissaries were bred in Rome
itself. It seems his holiness was not infallible in
every thing, who paid pensions to some of Walsing-
ham's spies sent thither to detect catholics : of these
Slade and Elliot were the principal. Surely these
setters could not accomplish their ends but with
deep dissembling and damnable lying. If any ac-
count such officers evils, I deny it not, but add them
to be necessary evils, in such a dangerous juncture
of time. Always set a to catch a ; and

' [Wood's Ath. I. 206. See and translated out of French

a narrative of the appf ehen- into Latin by James Laing, and

sion of Campian, Sherwin, and published by him at the end of

Briant, written by an eyewit- his Life of Beza, p. 112^ ed.

ness, as it is stated in p. 121^ 'S^sO

CENT. XVI.

of Britain .

423

the greatest deer- stealers make the best park-keepers, a.d. 1580.

Indeed these spies were so cunning, they could trace

a labyrinth without the guidance of a clue of thread,
and knew all bye comers at home and abroad. At
last Elliot «• snapt Campian in his own lodging ^ and
in great triumph he was carried to the Tower.

42. The papists tell us of seven deadly racks in Pretended
the Tower, all of them exercised on some or other racking
their prisoners therein : one rack called the duke of ^'^"*^'
Exeter's, the other the scavenger's daughter, and
these haply had their grandchildren. God keep all

good men in the joyfiil ignorance of them and their
issue ^. Campian is said thrice or four times to
have been tortured on them, ad lua^ationem^ ac quas-
sationem omnium membrorum ^, if the report thereof
be not racked beyond the proportion of truth. How-
ever, we request the ingenuous,

43. First, to consider there scarce passed a leap- Excused in
year wherein the papists did not lay their eggs, orgree.
hatch some treason against the queen, which excuseth

such severity used to detect conspiracies. Secondly,
I find when father Briant, a priest, was racked most
cruelly®, he confesseth se nihil quicquam doloris
sensisse, " that he felt no pain at all." Were this
false, I wonder so religious a man would report it ;

A [Elliot was originally a
Roman catholic. Wood's Ath.

I- 474.]

^ [At the house of Edward

Yates, esq.^ at Lyford in Berk-
shire^ where Parsons was also
formerly lodged, as is stated in
the above letter. See Wood,
ib., and Laing, p. 1 13 ; so also
More's Hist. Soc. Jesu, p. 86.]

^ [See a clever little tracts
by Jardine, upon the applica-
tion of torture in criminal
cases.]

d Sanders, De Schism. An-
glicano, p. 409.

e Ribadeneira his continua-
tion of Sanders De Schism.
Ang. in his Diary, an. 158 1,
month of March.

£ e 4

424

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1580. were it true, I wonder that Campian (every inch as
'^^•^ religious as Briant) had not the same miraculous
favour indulged to him. Thirdly, Campian, presently
after his racking, wrote letters with his own hand ^ ;
which shews he was not so disjointed with such
cruelty as is pretended. Lastly, those who complain
of Campian's usage have forgotten, or will not re-
member, how Anne Askew and Cuthbert Simpson,
on whom no shadow of treason could be charged,
were most cruelly and causelessly racked by popish
persecutors, as a preface to their ensuing martyr-
dom 8^,

^' Camd. Eliz. in this year.

% [The punishment of Cain-
pian seems to have been much
talked about at this time, since
I find it touched upon in a
conference held with him by
Alexander Nowell, dean of St.
Paul's, and W. Daiie, dean of
Windsor, Aug. 31,1581. They
demand of him why he charged
the queen's government with
practising unusual cruelty
against the Romanists^ seeing
that the professors of that re^
ligion had burnt alive many
protestants for the maintenance
of their religion only ; whereas
none of them had been executed
otherwise than for treason, and
for breaking the laws of the
realm. " Whereunto he an-
" swered that he was punished
'* for religion himself, and had
" been twice on the rack, and
" that racking was more griev-
" ous than hanging." Upon
this, "master lieutenant, [sir
*' Owen Hopton,] being pre-
'^ sent, said he had no cause to
•* complain of racking, Who

€f

*' had rather seen than felt the
*' rack, and admonished him
" to use good speech, that he
*^ gave not cause to be used
*' with more severity. * For
" although,' said he, * you were
" put to the rack, yet notwith-
'* standing you were so favour-
ably used therein, as being
taken off, you could and did
" presently go thence to your
" lodging, without help, and
'^ use your hands in writing,
" and all other parts of your
** body, which you could not
^* have done if you had been
" put to that punishment with
•• any such extremity as you
" speak of.' " See " A true
'- Report of the Disputation
•' or rather private Conference
" had in the Tower of London
" with Edmund Campian, Je-
" suit, the last of August 15 81.
" Set down by the reverend
*' learned men themselves that
*' dealt therein. Imprinted at
** London, &c." Jan. i, 1583.
4to. " Master lieutenant" is
probably the same person that

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 426

44. We leave Campian for a time in a safe place, a. d. 1580.

^ ^23 Eliz.

where we are sure to find him at our return, to--^ •

Parsons

behold how it fared with father Parsons, diligently his three
sought for by Walsingham's setters, and therefore as ^p^.
eminent for making his three escapes as writing his
three conversions :

i. By hiding himself in a stack of hay, hard by a
public inn, whither messengers were sent to attach
hun.

il. Being amused with grief, and fear, and fright,
he could not find an house in London (otherwise
well known unto him) whither he intended to go ;
and by losing his way saved his life, that place being
beset with soldiers to apprehend him ^.

iii. When scarce gone out of an house on the
Thames side, but the same was searched by the
oflRcers, who routed an army of crucifixes, medals,
Agnus Dei's, and other papish trinkets therein.

To these a fourth may be added, more miraculous
than all the rest: when Parsons was apprehended
by a pursuivant at Northwich in Cheshire, and put
into a chamber fast bolted and locked upon him, the
door did, three times together, miraculously and of
its own accord fly open '.

45. By the reader's favour, as I dare not deny Our obser-
belief to this passage attested by a catholic father, his fourth
so I cannot but wonder thereat. Peter and Paul®^**^'

Laing*s narrative entitles '* cus- faith at Paul's Cross. Laing,

*' tos carceris Londini, homo ib. p. 115, 116.]
'' pessimus ac sceleratissimus, h Continuatio Sander! De

*' totus hseresi Calvini infec- Schism. Ang. pag. 404.
tus;" who, according to the ^ Sheldon of Miracles, p.

same authority, gave out that 25, in Gee's Foot out of the

Campian intended to abjure his Snare, 71.

4S6 The Church Husfory of Britain. book ix.

A. D. 1580. each of tbem had once their prison doors open^-

Parsons exceeds them both: three several solemn

times his prison was set open. Did he not tempt
Divine Providence, which once and again offered
mito him a way to escape, to expect a third call to
come forth ? Had Providence (angry that the cour-
tesy, twice tendered, was not accepted) left him
alone, none would have pitied him if caught and
sent to keep company with his dear friend father
Campian in the Tower.
Parsons 46. But Parsous kuow fiill well that miracles,

poutidy re-

turneth to though cordials in extremity, are no bill of fare for
men's daily diet, and therefore he must not con-
stantly expect such wonderful deliverances ; besides
no doubt he remembered what passed in the fable,
though this his good genius had helped him at a
dead lift, yet the same intended not to wear out all
his shoes, and to go barefoot himself, in making a
trade constantly to preserve him \ Wherefore, ju-
niores ad labores^ let younger men take the task and
trouble upon them. This wary bird would not be
catched, to whistle in the cage to the tune of Wal-
singham; wherefore over he went to Rome, and
there slept in a whole skin, as good reason it was
so great a general should secure his person from
danger.

^ Acts xii. y, and xvi. 26. tardly proceedings (as he terms

1 [Watson, in his Quodlibets, them) of father Parsons. See

has with great vehemence ex- particularly p. i28^sq.]

posed the ambitious yet das*

MR. JAMES BOVEY,

OF LONDON, MERCHANT ».

One (if not the only} good which our ciml war h^iih produced,
is, thai on the ransacking of studies, many manuscripts,
vtitM otherwise would have remained concealed, a/nd ueeful
o/t^foT prvecOe pereom, have been printed for the pvhUc
hen^. Amongst which, some may suspect the following
tetter ofarchUskop Grindal to be one.

But to clear that scmple, I must avow, that a reverend per-
son^ tcae pri^rietary of an authentic c^y thereof, before
the thing phmder was owned in England, and may (/ shall
weU hope) notwithstanding his gr^ hairs remain so, after it
is disclaimed.

NOW that a parliament and conToca-A. d. ijSo.
tion being this year called, the latter _!L_1_
appeared rather a trunk than a body, ;„ the n^
because Edmund Grindal, archbishop ^*^^^
of Canterbury, groaning under the^^T*^™'
queen's displeasure, was forbidden acce^ to the con-"^^idiop
Tocation*. Whereupon it begun sadly, not to say

' [Anna. Ermine, on a men, styling him " litteratorum
bend party per bend azure and " et litterarum fantor." Un-
liable, three guttes d'ean, be- fortunately I Iiare not been able
tween two hawka. In the Pis- to find any other trace of hini.]
gab Sight, (P. II. p.6o,) Fuller >> [James Usher, then] arch-
again celebratei this gentleman bishop of Armagh,
for his liberality to learned ° [He was sequestred and

428

The Church History

BOOK IX.

23 Eliz.

A. 0^1580. sullenly, without the solemnity of a sermon, ab-
.ruptly entering on the small business they had to
do. Some hotspurs therein motioned, that they
should refuse to meet together, till their company
were completed, and the archbishop restored unto
them. But the gravity of the rest soon retrenched
this distemper, and at last all agreed, that Tobie
Matthew®, dean of Christ Church, (commanding a
pure and fluent pen,) should in the name of the con-
vocation, draw an humble supplication to her ma-
jesty for the restitution of the archbishop ..to his
place, which was done according to the tenor fol-
lowing.

« Serenissimse ac potentissimse reginse Elizabethae,
" Angliae, Francise et Hibemise reginse, fidei de-
" fensatrici, &c.

" Etsi majestatem regiam sive verbo, sive scripto
*^ interpellare, serenissima princeps Elizabetha, non
" decere, nisi rarius, non licere, nisi gravioribus de
" causis arbitramur ; tamen cum praecipiat apostolus,
" ut dum tempus habeamus benefacimus omnibus,
" maxime vero domesticis fidei, committere nullo
" modo possumus, quin illud hoc tempore a tua cel-
" sitate humiliter contendamus, quod nobis ad pe-
" tendum utile et necessarium, toti ecclesise et

confined to his house for six
months, after he had written
his celebrated letter to the
queen in defence of these exer.
cises, printed at p. 435, &c. This
was in June, 1577. But still
continuingresolved in his former
opinion, his authority was en-
trusted to delegates, nor did
he recover it till some con-

siderable time after, Strype
thinks in the year 1582, after
he had made the required sub-
mission to the queen. See
Strype's Grind, p. 273. who
has also printed a large extract
from the archbishop's confes-
sion.]

^ [Afterwards archbishop of
York.]

€B>}t. xVi. of Britain, 429

•• reiptiblicae ad obtinendum salutare et fructuo8uin,A.D. 1580.
" tu« denique majestati ad concedendum perfitcile __!L— fL
" et honorificum sit futurum. Quanquam igitur
" acerbissime dolemus et eontristamur, reverendis-
simum patrem Cantuariensem arehiepiscopum
post tot annos, in tantam tamque diuturnam ma-
jestatis tuse offensionem incidisse, tamen valde
vehementer speramus, nos veniam adepturos, si
pro utio multi, pro archiepiscopo episcopi, pro
tanto prsBSule tot rainistri, serio et suppliciter in-
** tercedamus. Quod si deprecantium authoritas in
** petitione valeret, hsec causa jamdudum a nobilibus
** viris, si voluntas ab amicissimis, si experientia
" a prudentissimis, si religio a reverendissimis, si
multitude a plurimis ; sicut nostrse partes nuUae
nunc alise videantur, quam ut orationem cum illo-
rum rationibusj nostras preees cum illorum peti-
tionibus supplicissime ac demississime conjunga-
** mus.

•• Ut enim Caesar Octavius jucundissimus prop-

" terea fiiisse scribitur, quod apud eum quoties quis-

que voluit, dixit, et quod voluit, dum humiliter;

sic ex infinitis illis virtutibus, quibus regium tuum

pectus abunde cumulatur, vix uUa vel majestati

tuse honorificentior, vel in populum tuum gra-

tiosior existit, quam in admittendis hominibus

" facilitas, in causis audiendis lenitas, prudentia in

** secemendis, in satisfaciendis pietas et dementia.

" Nihil est enim tam populare quam bonitas ; atque

principes ad prsepotenteni Deum nulla re propius

accedunt, quam offensionibus deponendis, et obli-

viscendis injuriis, non dicimus septies, sed sep-

tuagies septies. Nam, si decem millia talentorum

€i

dimittantur nobis, nonne nos firatribus, conservis,

4fS0 The Church History Booic \x*

A.D. 1580.** gubditis, centum denarios condonabimus ? Liceat

23 £liz.

" enim nobis illud Christi praeceptum, ad istud insti-

** tutnm, bona tua cum pace accommodare. Prae-
<* sertim cum hortetur apostolus, ut mansuetudo
^^ nostra nota sit omnibus ; Christusque jubeat, ut
" misericordes simus sicut Pater noster coelestis mi-
** sericors est. Vinum in vulnus infundere salutare
" est, et salutarius oleum ; Christus utrumque adhi-
^ buit. Judicium cantare. Domino jucundum est, ac
" jucundius misericordiam ; David utrumque per-
^^ fecit. Gratiosa est in omnibus bominibus clemen-
" tia, in proceribus gratiosior, in principe vero gra-
^ tios^sima. Gloriosa est regi mansuetudo, reginae
gloriosior, virgini vero gloriosissima : si non sem-
per, at ssepius ; si non in onmes, at in pios ; si non
^* in vulgus, at in magistratus, at in ministros, at in
eum qui in tam sublimi loco constitutus, magna
apud nos authoritate, magna apud alios existima-
^* tione, summa in sacratissimam tuam majestatem
" fide et observantia prseditus ; ut non ssepe in vita
" deliquisse, sed semel tantum in vita displicuisse
" videatur, idque non tam prsefracta voluntate, quam
" tenera conscientia, cujus tantam esse vim magni
" autbores et optimi quique viri scripserunt, ut quic-
" quid, ea vel reclamante vel errante vel haesitante
" fiat, non leve peccatum esse statuerint. Ac ut
" quod verum est ingenue et humiliter attendamus,
" et illud omnium quod unum agitur, vel necessario
" silentio vel voluntaria oblectatione obruamus ; si
" laudabile est, vitam non modo ab omni crimine
" sed suspicione criminis liberam traduxisse, tra-
" duxit ; si honestum religionem ab omni non
^* modo papistica corruptela sed a scbismatica i»'a-
" vitate integram conservare, conservavit ; si Chris-

(€

((

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 431

** tianum, non modo propter justitiam persecutio-A.D. 1580.

C6 J ^ J.: x__ «3 Eliz.

nem passum esse sed per caeteras nationes propter
evangelium, oberrasse ; et passus est, et oberravit.
Quae cum ita sint, regina clementissima, omnes
" hse nostrae voces ad celsitudinem tuam profectae,
" hoc unum demississime, et quam fieri potest sub-
jectissime comprecantur, idque per singularem na-
turae tuae bonitatem, per anteactae tuae vitae con-
suetudinem, per pietatem regiam in subditos, per
" charitatem Christianam in inimicos, perque earn,
** qua reliquos omnes et privatos, et principes ex-
** cellis lenitatem ; ut velis majestatem tuam man-
** suetudine^ justitiam misericordia, iram placabili-
tate, offensionem indulgentia mitigare ; et archi-
episcopum moerore fractum, et debilitatum, non
** modo extollere jacentem, sed ecclesiam ipsi, ipsum
ecclesiae, tuis eivibus, suis fratribus, exteris natio-
nibus, denique piis omnibus tandem aliquando
restituere. Quod si fecerit majestas tua, vel po-
tius cum fecerit (quod enim summe cupimus,
summe etiam sperare jucundum est) non dubita-
** mus, quin ilium reverendissimum patrem, sup-
plicem, et abjectum, non tam ad pedes, quam ad
nutus tuos perpetuo sis liabitura. Ita celsitati
tuae persancte poUicemur, nobis neque in ecclesia
constituenda curam, neque in religione propa-
ganda studium, neque in schismatibus toUendis
diligentiam, neque in hoc beneficio praecipue reco-
lendo memoriam, neque in ferendo quas debemus
gratias, gratam animi benevolentiam ullo unquam
tempore defuturam.

** Dominus Jesus majestatem tuam, ad reipublicae
tranquillitatem, ad ecclesiae conservationem, ad

«(

€(

66
«
66
€6
66

€6

66
66

432 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1580." suae veritatis amplificationem, omni felicitatis ge-
— — L- " nere diutissime prosequatur."

This petition, though presented with all advantage,

found no other entertainment than delays, which

ended in a final denial ; it being daily suggested to

the queen, that Grindal was a great patron of pro-

phesyings (now set up in several parts of the land)

which, if permitted to take place, would in fine

prove the bane of the church and commonwealth ^.

The model 2. Theso prophosyiugs were founded on the

ofprophe- apostlo's prccopt, FoT ye may all prophesy one by

»y»n«»- g^^^^ fj^^f. ^11 ^^y i^arn^ and all he comforted"^ ; but so,

as to make it out, they were fain to make use of
human prudential additions, modelling their pro-
phesyings as followeth.

i. The ministers of the same precinct, by their
own appointment (not strictly standing on the old
division of deaneries) met at the principal place
therein.

ii. The junior divine went first into the pulpit,
and for half an hour, more or less, (as he could with
clearness contract his meditations,) treated upon a
portion of scripture, formerly by a joint-aigreement
assigned unto him. After him, four or five moe,
observing their seniority successively dilated on the
same text.

iii. At last a grave divine, appointed on purpose
as father of the act, made the closing sermon, some-
what larger than the rest, praising the pains and

^ [For an account of these troubles, see Strype's Life of
exercises, and Grindars con- Grind., p. 219. 330.J
cern in them and subsequent ^ i Cor. xiv. 13.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 433

performance of such who best deserved it; meekly a. d. 1580.

and mildly reproving the mistakes and failings of- ^

such of those, if any were found in their sermons.
Then all was ended as it was begun, with a solemn
prayer ; and at a public refection of those ministers
together, with many of the gentry repairing unto
them, the next time of their meeting was appointed,
text assigned, preachers deputed, a new moderator
elected or the old one continued, and so all were
dissolved ^

This exercise proved, though often long, seldom
tedious; and people's attentions, though travelling
far, were little tired, because entertained with much
variety.

8. However, some inconveniencea were seen and The inoon.

/• !_• 1. 1 J. J. 3 t !• venienceg

more foreseen by wise, or at least suspected by fear- of prophe-
ful men, if these prophecies might generally takej^jj^^^
place in the land. suspected.

i. Many modest ministers, and those profitable
preachers in their private parishes, were loth to
appear in this public way, which made them unde-
servedly slighted and neglected by others.

ii. Many young men, of more boldness than learn-
ing, readiness than solidity, carried away the credit,
to the great disheartening of those of more age and
ability.

iii. This consort of preachers kept not always time
and tune amongst themselves, much jarring of per-
sonal reflections often disturbing their harmony.

^ [The chief objections to these and all other rites and
these exercises are embodied ceremonies but such as were
in the queen's letter to the prescribed by her. This letter
bishops throughout England^ . will be found in Strype's Grin-
directing the suppression of dal, -^PP* P* B5.]

rULLEE, VOL. IV. F f

484 The Church History book ix.

A.D. 1580. iv. Many would make imjiertinent excawiom from
^^ their text, to inveigh against the present discipline
and government of the church ; such preachers being
more plausible to the people, generally best pleased
with them who manifest their di^leaaure against
the present authority.

V. A wise person was often wanting to moderate
the moderator, partially passing his censures, rather
according to affection than judgment.

vi. People factiously cried up, some one minister,
some another, to the disgrace of God's ordinance.

vii. These prophesyings, being accounted the fairs
for spiritual merchandizes, made the weekly markets
for the same holy commodities on the Lord's day to
be less respected, and ministers to be neglected in
their respective parishes.

viii. In a word, the queen was so perfectly pre-
possessed with prejudice against these proph^yings,
as if they foretold the rise of schism and faction,
that she was implacably incensed against archbishop
Grindal as the principal patron and promoter
thereof.

However, the good archbishop, to vmdicate him-
self and state the usefulness of these prophesyings,
wrote a large letter to the queen ; and although we
cannot exactly tell the just time thereof », yet,
knowing it will be welcome to the pious reader at
any time, here we present the time copy theareof ^:

&> To the day and month, lections^ in the library of All

being confident this was the Souls College in Oxford, and

year. approaches nearer to the one

^ [The copy of the letter printed by Strype in his Life

from which that in the text ofGrindal, App. p.74,thanany

has been printed is in a volume other transcript which I have

of sir Henry Yelverton's Col- seen. They are by no means

CEKT. XTI.

of Britain.

435

€t
U
U
it

C<
<f

[« 20th Dec. 1578.] a. d. 158a

*• With most humble remembrance of my bounden — — —

duty to your majesty, it may please the same to rema^rbie

be advertised, that the speeches which it hath^^^j^

pleased you to deliver unto me when I last attended Grindai, in

* " defence of

your highness concerning the abridging the num-prophedeB
ber of preachers, and the utter suppression of alljurisdicUon.
learned exercises and conferences among the
ministers of the church, allowed by their bishops
and ordinaries, have exceedingly dismayed and
discomforted me; not so much for that the said
speeches sounded very hardly against mine own
person, being but one particular man, and not

€€

€S

uncommon. Strype, according
to his own account, printed this
letter ** from an authentic copy
** sent by the archbishop him-
*' self to the lord treasurer,
endorsed by that nobleman's
own hand;" subjoining the
following observation: '^ Though
Fuller hath printed it already,
yet it is very faulty, false,
and imperfect ; he mistook
*' also in assiimins the time
" when it was writ, which he
'^ is confident was in the year
'• 1580 ; whereas it appears to
*• have been writ four years
** before, viz. in December
'' 1576, for that is the date it
** bears in the copy aforesaid.
*' And here we may correct
'' him in one error more, which
" is, that about the time of the
" writing of that letter he saith
<* Leicester took occasion to
'* quatreLwith the archbishop,
*' and would have gotten Lam-
** beth House from him ; and
'< that that was indeed the

«<

((

** reason of the queen's dis-
" pleasure, that nobleman hav-
ing secretly embittered her
against him. But by what
was said before, he and the
archbishop seemed now to be
'^ good friends, since the arch-
** bishop made him the deli-
** verer of his letter to the
'* queen." Life of Grindal, p.
224. The date of the copy in
the Yelverton collection differs
two years from Strype's ; and
in both, probably, other varia-
tions would be discovered from
the original, if it could be
found; as it is by no means
unusual for even authentic co-
pies of the same document to
vary greatly from each other.
I have not omitted to search
the State Paper Office, (to
which I was allowed access by
the condescension of lord John
Russell^) in order if possible
to discover the original of this
memorable letter ; but it does
not appear in that depository.]

Ff2

436 The Church History fiOoK ix.

A D. 1580." much to be accounted of, but most of all for that

— —** the same might both tend to the public harm of

** God's church, whereof your highness ought by
" office to be nutricia, and also to the heavy bur-
^ dening of your own conscience before God, if they
should be put in strict execution. It was not
your majesty's pleasure then (the time not serving
thereto) to hear me at any length concerning the
" two matters then propounded. I thought it there-
" fore my duty, by writing, to declare some part of
" my mind unto your highness, beseeching the same
" with patience to read over that I now send writ-
** ten with mine own rude scribbling hand, which
" seemeth to be of more length than it is indeed ;
for I say with Ambrose ^, * Scribe manu mea, qtiod
sola legos? Madam, first of all I must and will
" during my life confess that there is no earthly
" creature to whom I am so much bounden as to
" your majesty, who (notwithstanding mine insuffi-
" ciency, which commendeth your grace the more)
** hath bestowed upon me so many and so great
benefits, as I could never hope for, much less
deserve. I do therefore, according to my most
bounden duty, with all thanksgiving, bear towards
" your majesty a most humble, faithful, and thankful
** heart, and that knoweth He which knoweth all
" things. Neither do I ever intend to offend your
** majesty in any thing, unless in the cause of God
" or of His church, by necessity of office and burden
" of conscience, I shall thereunto be enforced. And
" in these causes, which I trust in God shall never
" be urged upon me, if I should use dissembling or

^ Ad Valentinianum Imper.

CKNT. XVI. of Britain, 437

*• flattering silence, I should very evil requite your a. d. 1580.

** majesty's so many and so great benefits. In so

^ doing, both you might fall into peril towards God,
" and I myself into endless damnation. The prophet
^* Ezekiel termeth us ministers of the church specu--
" latores, and not adulatores. If we see the sword
coming by reason of any offence towards God, we
must of necessity give warning, or else the blood
of those that perish will be required at our hands.
I beseech your majesty thus to think of me, that I
do not conceive any evil opinion of you, although
I cannot assent to these two articles then pro-
pounded. I do vrith the rest of all your good
^* subjects acknowledge that we have received, by
your government, many and most excellent bene-
fits, as, amongst others, freedom of conscience,
suppressing of idolatry, sincere preaching of the
gospel, vrith public peace and tranquillity. I am
also persuaded that even in these matters which
you seem now to urge, your zeal and meaning is
for the best : the like hath happened to many of
^* the best princes that ever were, yet have they not
" refused afterwards to be better informed and in-
^ structed out of God's word. King David, so much
^ commended in the scriptures, had no evil meaning
^* when he commanded the people to be numbered :
** he thought it good policy in so doing, to under-
** stand what forces he had in store to employ
" against God's enemies, if occasion so required ; yet
** afterwards, saith the scripture, his own heart
stroke him, and God by the prophet Gad repre-
hendeth him for his offence, and gave him for the
same choice of three hard penances, that is to say,
famine, war, and pestilence. Good king Ezechias,

Ff 3

488 The Church History book ik.

A.D. 1580. << of courtesy and ffood affectloD, shewed to the am-

'^ bassadors of the king of Babylon the treasuires of

^^ the house of .Grod,.and of his own house, and yet
*^ the prophet Isaiah told him that God was there-
'* with displeased. The godly king Jehosophat, for
^^ making league with his neighbour king Achab,
^' and of like good meaning no doubt, was likewise
** reprehended by Jehu the prophet in this form of
'* words, viz. Impio pi^cebes auanlium, et hits qui
^^ oderunt Dominum^ amicitia jungerisy &c. Am-
^^ brose, writing to Theodosius the emperor, useth
" these words : N(yei pietatem tuam erga Deum^ leni-
^^ totem in homines ; oMigatus sum beneficiis tuis^ &c.^ ;
^^ and yet for all that the said Ambrose doth not
" forbear, in the same epistle, earnestly to persuade
'' the said emperor to revoke an ungodly edict,
*^ wherein he had commanded a godly bishop to re-
" edify a Jewish synagogue pulled down by the
^ Christian people. And so, to come to the present
" case, I may very well use to your highness the
" words of Ambrose above written, Novi pietatem
^' tuam, &c. But surely I cannot marvel enough
^^ how this strange opinion should once ent» into
^^ your mind, that it should be good for the church
^* to have few preachers. Alas ! madam, is the
*^ scripture more plain in any one thing than that
'^ the gospel of Christ should be plentifully {^reached,
" and that plenty of labourers should be sent into
**.the Lord's harvest, which, being great and large,
** standeth in need not of a few, but of many work-
men? There was appointed to the fauil<Mng of
Solomon's material temple artificers and labourers,

1 [Epistxl. §.5.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 439

^ besides three thousand overseers ; and shall we a. d. 1580.
•* think that a few preachers may suffice to build — — ^—
** and edify the spiritual temple of Christ, which is
" His church ? Christ, when He sendeth forth His
disomies and apostles, saith unto them, Ite^ priB-^
dicate emmgelium omni creaturce; but all God's
" creatures cannot be instructed in the gospel, unless
all possible means be used to have multitudes of
pi?eaohers and teachers to preach unto them.
" Sermo Christi inhabitet in nobis optdentevy saith
St. Paul to the Coiossians ; and to Timothy, Prce-^
dica sermonem^ insta tempestive^ in^tempestive^ argite,
increpcL, ea^hortare^ &c. ; which thing cannot be
** done without often and much preaching. To this
agreeth the practice of Christ's apostles, qui cofir-
stituebant per singulas ecclesias presbyteros. St.
Paul likewise to Titus writeth, Hujus rei gratia^
reliqui te in Creta^ ut qtuB desunty per gas corrigere^
et constituas oppidatim presbyteros ; and afterwards
" describeth how the said presbyteri were to be
qualified, not such as we are sometimes compelled
to admit by mere necessity, unless we should leave
a great number of churches utterly desolate ; but
** such indeed as were able to exhort per sanam
^\doci/rinamy et contradicentes convincere. And in
this place I beseech your majesty to note one
thing which is necessary to be noted, which is
this: if the Holy Ghost prescribe expressly that
^* preibch^^ should be placed oppidatim, how can it
'* well be diought that three or four preachers may
suffice for a shire. Public and continual preaching
« <rf God's word is the ordinary means and instru-
*^ ment of the salvation of mankind. St. Paul call-
" etb it manifestly the ministry of reconciliation of

Ff 4

«
«
(«
«
<(

Xfi

440 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 158a" man unto God. By preaching of God's word the

1- " glory of God is enlarged, fiedth is nourished, and

" charity increased ; by it the ignorant is instructed,
" the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborn
" rebuked, the weak conscience comforted, and to
*^ all those that sin of malicious wickedness the
** wrath of God is threatened ; by preaching, also,
" due obedience to Christian princes and magistrates
" [is] planted in the hearts of subjects ; for obe-
" dience proceedeth of conscience, conscience is
** grounded upon the word of God, the word of God
" worketh his eflfect by preaching, so as generally
** where preaching wanteth, obedience faileth. No
" prince ever had more lively experience hereof than
your majesty hath had in your time, and may
have daily.

" If your majesty come to your city of London

never so oft, what gratulation, what joy, what

concourse of people is there to be seen ! yea, what

** acclamations and prayers to God for your long

** life, and other manifest significations of inward

" and unfeigned love, joined with most humble and

" hearty obedience, are there to be heard ! Whereof

Cometh this, madam, but of the continual preaching

of God's word in that city, whereby that people

hath been plentifaUy instructed in their duty to-

" wards God and your majesty ? On the contrary,

" what bred the rebellion in the north ? was it not

papistry, and ignorance of God's word, through

want of often preaching ? And in the time of

" that rebellion, were not all men of all states that

made profession of the gospel most ready to oflfer

their lives for your defence? insomuch that one

poor parish in Yorkshire, which by continual

«(

CENT, XVI. of Britain. 441

*• preachinff had been better instructed than the a. a 1580.

23 Eliz.

" rest, (Halifax, I mean,) was ready to bring three 1-

** or four thousand able men into the field to serve
" you against the said rebels. How can your ma-
** jesty have a more lively trial and experience of
*' the contrary effects of much preaching, and of
" little or no preaching ? the one working most
** faithful obedience, and the other most unnatural
** disobedience and rebellion. But it is thought of
** some that many are admitted to preach, and few
" be able to do it well. That unable preachers be
" removed, is very requisite, if ability and suflSiciency
" be rightly weighed and judged ; and therein I
** trust as much is and shall be done as can be for
both : I, for mine own part, (let it be spoken
without any ostentation,) am very careful in allow-
ing such preachers only as be able and sufiSicient
to be preachers, both for knowledge in the scrip-
tures, and also for testimony of their good life and
conversation ; and besides that I have given very
great charge to the rest of my brethren, the bishops
of this province, to do the like. We admit no
man to the office that either professeth papistry
" or puritanism ; generally the graduates of the
** universities are only to be admitted preachers,
^ unless it be some few that have excellent good
" gifts and knowledge in the scriptures, joined with
" good utterance and godly persuasion. I myself
** procured above forty learned preachers and gra-
" duates within less than six years to be placed
<• within the diocese of York, besides those I found
" there ; and there I have left them, the fruits of
" whose travel in preaching your majesty is like
** to reap daily by most assured dutiful obedience

(6
it

44S 7^ Church History book ix.

A.D.i58o.^of your subjects in those - parts. But indeed
Jil!^ « this age judgeth hardly, and nothing indifferently,
"of the ability of preachers of our time, judging few
" or none in their opinion to be able, which hard
^^ judgment groweth upon divers evil dispositions
" of men. St, Paul doth conmiand the preaching
^* of Christ crucified casque eminentia sermonis ; but
in our time many haye so delicate ears, that no
preaching can satisfy them, unless it be sauced
with much fineness and exomation of speech, which
** the same apostle utterly condemneth, and giveth
^^ this reason, ne evacuetur cruw Christi. Some there
be, also, that are mislikers of godly refcmnation in
religion now established, wishing indeed that there
were no preachers at all ; and so, by depraving the
" ministers, impugn reUgion n(m aperto Marte, sed
" cunictUis : much like to the papish bishops in your
" &ther's time, who would have had the English
^' translation of tiie Bible called in, as <evil trans^
" lated, and the new translation thereof to have
" been committed to themselves, which tiiey never
*^ intended to perform. A number there is, and that
** is exceeding great, whereof some are altogethCT
" worldly minded, and only bent covetously to gather
" worldly goods and possessions, serving Mammon
^^ and not Ood ; and anotiher great «ome have given
^^ out themselves to all carnal, Ysm, dissdlute, and
^ lascivious life. Vokq)tatis amaiore^^fu^ qtuim Dei^
" et qui semetipsos dediderunt ad patrtrndetm anmem
" immunditiam cum aviditate \ AxA because the
" preaching of God's word (which to aJl Christian
^^ people's conscience is sweet and delectable) is to

* Eph. ir. 19.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 448

*^ them (having eatiterizatas consci&nticLs) bitter and a. 0.1580.
" grievous ; for, as St. Ambrose saith "*, quomodo ~ — '—

it
4<

possunt verba Dei dtdcia esse in fauciius tuis, in
guibus est amaritudo nequitice? Therefore they
" wish also that there were no preachers at all.
** But because they dare not directly condemn the
office of preaching, so expressly commanded by
God's word, (for that same were open blasphemy,)
they turn themselves altogether, and with the
same meaning as the others do, to take exceptions
agamst the persons of those that be admitted to
" preach. But God forbid, madam, that you should
" open your ears to any of these vncked persuasions,
" or any way go about to diminish the preaching of
** Christ's gospel ; for that would ruinate altogether
at the length. Cum defecerit prophetia^ dissipoMtur
popultis ^, saith Solomon. Now where it is thought
that the reading of the godly Homilies set forth l^
" public authority may suffice, I continue of the
** same mind I was when I attended last upon your
majesty. The reading of Homilies hath his com-
modity, but is nothing comparable to the office
of preaching. The godly preacher is termed in
the gosjfel Fidelis servtis et prvdens qui novitfamur'
litio Domini cibum demensum dare in tempore^ who
** can apply his speech according to the diversity of
^* times, places, and hearers, which cannot be done
« in homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and per-
^^ suasions are uttered vdth more affection to the
^^ moving of the hearers in sermons than in homilies.
" Besides, homilies were devised by the godly bishops
" in your brother's time, only to supply necessity for

™ Super Psal. cxix. [Serin, xiii. §.27.] ^ Prov. xxix.

tt
ft
<t

444 Tfie Church History book ix.

A.D. 1580. <« want of preachers, and are by the statute not to
-!i^ " be preferred, but to give place to sermons whenso-
" ever they may be had, and were never thought in
** themselves alone to contain sufficient instruction
" for the Church of England ; for it was then found,
" as it is found now, that this Church of England
** hath been by appropriations (and that not without
" sacrilege) spoiled of the livings which at the first
were appointed to the office of preaching and
teaching, which appropriations were first annexed
** to abbeys, and after came to the crown, and now
•* are dispersed to private men's possessions, without
" hope to reduce the same to the original institution.
" So as at this day, in mine opinion, where one
church is able to yield sufficient living to a learned
preacher, there are at the least vi. churches unable
** to do the same. [And in many parishes of your
** realm, where there be seven or eight himdred
** souls, (the more is the pity,) there are not eight
** pounds a year reserved for a minister. In such
" parishes it is not possible to place able preachers,
" for want of convenient stipend. If every flock
might have a preaching pastor, which is rather to
be wished than hoped for, then were reading of
** Homilies altogether unnecessary. But to supply
•* that want of preaching of God's word, which is
" the food of the soul, growing upon the necessities
" aforementioned both in your brother's time and
" in your time, certain godly Homilies have been
" devised, that the people should not be altogether
" destitute of instruction ; for it is an old and true
" proverb, * Better half a loaf than no bread ®.']

o QThis passage was very ginal. Fuller adding a note in
incorrectly printed in the ori- the margin to this effect : ^* The

i€

CENT. XVI.

of Britain*

445

«(

<«

** Now for the second point, which is concerning a. D. 1580.
" the learned exercise and conference amongst the ^^
** ministers of the church, I have consulted with
" divers of my brethren the bishops, by letters,
** who think the same as I do, a thing profitable
to the church, and therefore expedient to be
continued; and I trust your majesty will think
** the like, when your highness shall have been in-
" formed of the manner and order thereof, what
authority it hath of the scriptures, what commo-
dity it bringeth with it, and what discommodity
•* will follow if it be clean taken away.

" The authors of this exercise are the bishops of
*' the diocese where this same is used, who, both by
" the law of God and by the canons and constitutions
** of the church now in force, have authority to ap-
*^ point exercises to their inferior ministers for increase
of learning and knowledge in the scriptures, as to
them seemeth most expedient, for that pertaineth
" €bd disdplinam clericalem. The times appointed
for the assembly is once a month, or once in twelve
or fifteen days, at the discretion of the ordinary.
^* The time of the exercise is two hours ; the place,
** the church of the town appointed for the assembly.
" The matter entreated of is as foUoweth : some
text of scripture, before appointed to be spoken
of, is interpreted in this order : first, the occasion

€<

«(

€€

«(

€C

f€

word not being easily legible,
I have left a blanks (as some-
times before and after,) pre-
ferring to refer the sense to
the judicious reader's own
conjecture, than to impose
my guess upon him." The

whole passage is omitted in the
Yelverton copy, but found in
Strype's ; no doubt it existed in
the rough and original draft of
the letter, but was probably
struck out from that eventually
sent to her majesty.]

446 7%€ Church History book ix.

A.D. 1580. *« of the place is shewed ; secondly, the end ; thirdly,
— — ^ " the proper sense of the place ; fourthly, the pro-
" priety of the words, and those that be learned in
" the tongues shewing the interpretation ; fifthly;
'' where the like phrases are used in the scriptures ^
•* sixthly, places in the scriptures seeming to repugri
" are reconciled ; seventhly, the arguments of the
** text are opened ; eighthly, it is also declared what
" virtues and what vices are there touched, and td
"which of the commandments they appertain^
** ninthly, how the text hath been wrested by the
« adversaries, if occasion so require ; tenthly, and
*' last of all, what doctrine of faith or manners the
** text doth contain. The conclusion is with pra;yer
^* for your majesty and all estates, as is appointed
** by the Book of Common Prayer, and a psalm:
** These orders following are also observed in the
^ said exercise : First, two or three of the gravest
^ and best learned pastors are appointed of the
^ bishop to moderate in every assembly ; no man
** may speak except he be first allowed by the bishop,
** with this proviso, that no layman be suffered to
" speak at any time ; no controversy of this present
" time and state shall be moved or dealt withal. If
" any attempt the contrary, he is put to silence by
" the moderators ; none is suffered to glance openly
or covertly at pastors, public or private ; neither
yet any one to confute another. If any man utter
a wrong sense of the scripture, he is privately
" admonished thereof, and better instructed by the
" moderators and other his fellow ministers. If any
" man use immodest speeches, or unreverend gesture
" or behaviour, or otherwise be suspected in life, he

CENT. XVI- of Britain, 447

"is likewise admonished as before. If any man a. d. 1580.
" wilfully do break tbese orders, he is presented to ^\ ^ '''
" the bishop, to be by him corrected.

^ The ground of this or like exercise is of great
** and ancient authority ; for Samuel did practise such
" exercises in his time, both at Naioth, in Ramath,
** and at Bethel ; so did Elizeus the prophet at Jeri-
" cho : which studious persons in those days were
" ChJileA filii prophetarum^ that is to say, the disciples
« of the prophets, that, being exercised in the study
** and knowledge of the scriptures^ they might be
" able men to serve in God's church, as that time
** required. St. Paul doth make express mention **,
** that the like in effect was used in the primitive
" church, and giveth rules for the order of the
" same ; as, namely, that two or three should speak,
** and the rest should keep silence. Tliat exercise
of the church in those days St. Paul calleth pro-
phetiam^ and the speakers prophetas^ terms very
" odious in our days to some, because they are not
^ rightly understood ; for, indeed, prophetia in that
" and like places of St. Paul doth not, as it doth
** sometimes, signify ptediction of things to come,
which gift is not now ordinary in the church of
God, but signifieth there, by the consent of the
** best ancient writers, the interpretation and expo-
" sition of the scriptures ; and therefore doth St:
" Paul attribute unto these that be called prophets,
docUinam ad cedificationem^ ewhortationem^ et con*
solationem. This gift of expounding and inter-
" preting the scriptures was in St. PauPs time
given to many by special miracle without study ;

o 1 Cor. xiv.

€€

448 The Church Histoiy book ix.

A.D. 1580. " so was also, by like miracle^ the gift to speak
— ' — 1- " with strange tongues, which they had never
** learned. But now, miracles ceasing, men must
** attain to the knowledge of the Hebrew, Greek,
" and Latin tongues, &c. by travel and study, God
^^ giving the increase. So must men also attain,
" by like means, to the gift of expounding and in-
" terpreting the scriptures ; and, among other helps,
** nothing is so necessary as these above-named ex-
" ercises, and conference amongst the ministers of
** the church, which in effect are all one with the
exercises of students in divinity in the universities,
saving that the first is done in a tongue under-
" stood, to the more edifying of the unlearned
** hearers. Howsoever report hath been made to
" your majesty concerning these exercises, yet I and
^^ others of your bishops, whose names are noted in
" the margent hereof p, as they have testified unto
" me by their letters, have found by experience that
*' these profits and commodities following have en-
** sued by it: 1. The ministers of the church are
more skilful and ready in the scriptures, and apter
to teach their flocks. 2dly. It withdraweth them
from idleness, wandering, gaming, &c. Sdly. Some
" afore suspected in doctrine are brought hereby to
" the open confession of the truth. 4thly. Ignorant
" ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience,
" yet for shame and fear of discipline. Sthly. The
*' opinion of laymen touching the idleness of the
" clergy is hereby removed. 6thly. Nothing by
" experience beateth down popery more than that

p Cantuar., London., Win- cest., Lincoln., Criesten.,Exon.,
ton., Bathon., Lichfeld., Glo- Meneven. als. Davidis.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 449

" ministers, as some of my brethren do certify, grow a. d. 1580.

" of such knowledge by means of these exercises,-!^ L

" that where afore were not three able preachers,
now are thirty meet to preach at Paul's Cross, and
forty or fifty besides able to instruct their own
cures, so as it is found by experience the best
means to increase knowledge in the simple, and to
" continue it in the learned. Only backward men
*' in religion and contemners of learning in the coun-
" tries abroad do fret against it, which in truth do
" the more commend it. The dissolution of it would
breed triumph to the adversaries, and great sor-
row and grief unto the favourers of religion, con-
" trary to the counsel of Ezekiel % who saith. Cor
''^jmti non est contristandum. And although some
" few have abused this good and necessary exercise,
" there is no reason that the malice of a few should
prejudice all. Abuses may be reformed, and that
which is good may remain ; neither is there any
** just cause of offence to be taken, if divers men
" make divers senses of one sentence of scripture,
" so that all the senses be good, and agreeable to
** the analogy of faith ; for otherwise we must needs
" condemn all the ancient fathers and doctors of the
*' church, who most commonly expound one and the
'* same text of the scripture diversely, and yet all
to the good of the church. Therefore doth St.
Basil compare the scripture to a well, out of the
** which the more a man draweth, the better and
** sweeter is the water. I trust when your majesty
^* hath considered and well weighed the premises,

<l xiii. 18.

FULLER, VOL. IV. G g

u
«<

460 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1580. *« you will rest satisfied, and judge that no such

** inconveniences can grow of these exercises as you

** have heen informed, but rather the clean contrary;
** and for mine own part, because I am well assured
•* both by reasons and arguments taken out of the
" holy scriptures, and by experience, the most certain
** seal and sure knowledge, of the said exercises for
*' the interpretation and exposition of the scriptures,
" and for exhortation and comfort drawn out of the
" same, are both profitable to increase knowledge
" amongst the ministers, and tendeth to the edifying
** of the hearers ; I am forced, with all humility,
*' and yet plainly, to profess that I cannot with safe
" conscience, and without the oflfence of the majesty
" of God, give my assent to the suppressing of the
" said exercises, much less can I send out any in-
" junction to the utter subversion of the same. I
^ say with St. Paul, / have no potoer to destroy, but
only to edify ; and with the same apostle, / can
do nothing against the truth, but for the truth. If
^* it be your majesty's pleasure for this or any other
** cause to remove me out of this place, I will with
•* all humility yield thereto, and render again to
" your majesty that I received of the same. I con-
^* sider with myself, qtwd horrendum est incidere in
manus Dei viventis ; I consider also, qtiod quifacit
contra canscientiam {divinis juribus nia?am) cedificat
ad gehennam. And what should I win if I gained,
" I will not say a bishopric, but the whole world, and
" lose my own soul ? Bear with me, I beseech you,
" madam, if I choose rather to offend your earthly
" majesty than to offend the heavenly majesty of
" God. And now, being sorry that I have been so

<«
«

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 451

** long and tedious unto your majesty, I will draw a. d. 1580.

" to an end, most humbly praying the same that you '—

** would consider these short petitions following :
** the first is, that you would refer all these eccle-
siastical matters, which touch religion or the doc-
trine or discipline of the church, unto the bishops
** and divines of your realm, according to the ex-
ample of all godly Christian emperors and princes
of all ages ; for indeed they are things to be judged,
as an ancient father writeth, in ecclesia sen si/nodo,
non in pahtio. When your majesty hath questions
" of the laws of your realm, you do not decide the
** same in your court, but send them to your judges
** to be determined. Likewise, for the duties in mat-
ters in doctrine or discipline of the church, the ordi-
nary manner is to refer the decision of the same to
the bishops and other head ministers of the church.
** Ambrose to Theodosius useth these words : Si de
** causis pecuniariis comites tuos constdis, quanta
" mayis, in causa religionis sacerdotes cequum est
" consulas ^. And likewise the same father to the
good emperor Valentinianus ', Si conferendum de
fide^ sacerdotum debet esse ista collatio, sicut Jac-
turn est svh Constantino augustcB memoruB prin^
cipe, qui nullas leges ante prcemisit, sed liberum
dedit judicium sa>cerdotibus. And in the same
place the same father saith that Constantius the
emperor, son to the same Constantino the Great,
began well, by reason he followed his father's steps
at the first, but ended ill, because he took upon
hini de fide intra Palatium judicare^ (for so be the
words of Ambrose,) and therefore fell into Arian-

q [Epist. xf. §. 27.] ' Epist. 32. [=21, §. 15 and 4.]

Gg 2

452 The Church History book ix.

A.D.is8a« ism, a teiTible example. The same Ambrose,

" commended so much in all histories for a godly

" bishop^ goeth yet fiirther, and writeth to the said
" emperor in this form : Si docendus est episcoptis a
" laicOy quid seqtietur laicus ergo disputety et episco-
" pus audiat ; episcopus discat sed discit a laico. At
** certe, si vel scripturarum divinarum seriem, vel
Vetera tempora retrcmtemus, quis est qui abnuai in
causa fideij in causa inquam fidei^ episcopos solere
** de imperatoribus Christianis^ mm imperatores de
^ episcopis jtidicare. Would to God your majesty
** would follow this ordinary course ! You should
•• procure to yourself much quietness of mind, better
** please God, avoid many offences, and the church
" should be more quietly and peaceably governed,
" much to your commodity and comfort of your
** realm. The second petition I have to make to
your majesty is this, that when you deal in matters
of faith and religion, or in matters that touch the
" church of Christ, which is his spouse bought with
•* so dear a price, you would not use to pronounce
** so resolutely and peremptorily, quasi ex authoritatCy
as you may do in civil and extern matters, but
always remember that in Grod*s causes the will of
" God, and not the will of any earthly creature, is
" to take place. It is the Antichristian voice of the
** pope : Sic voloj sic jvheOy stet pro rations voluntas.
" In God*s matters all princes ought to bow their
** sceptres to the Son of God, and to ask counsel at
" his mouth what they ought to do. David ex-
" horteth all kings and rulers to serve God with
^^ fear and trembling. Remember, madam, that you
" are a mortal creature. Look not only (as was
" said to Theodosius) upon the purple and princely

CENT. XVI. of Britain, 468

** array wherewith you are apparelled, but consider -^-^'isso*

" withal what is that that is covered therewith z. —^

^^ Is it not flesh and blood? is it not dust and ashes?
" is it not a corruptible body, which must return to
** her earth again ? Grod knoweth how soon. Must
it not also one day appear, ante tremendum tribunal
crucifijvi^ ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore^
sive bonum sive malum ? And although you are a
mighty prince, yet remember that he which dwell-
etli in heaven is mightier; he is, as the psalmist
** saith, Terribilis est is qui aufert spiritum prin-
cipum, terribilis super omnes reges terrce. Where-
fore I do beseech you, madam, in visceribm Christie
when you deal in these religious causes, set the
majesty of God before your eyes, laying all earthly
majesty aside; determine with yourself to obey
his voice, and with all humility say unto him, Non
mea sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath blessed you
with great felicity in your reign now many years ;
" beware you do not impute the same to your own
" well deserts or policy, but give God the glory ; and
** as to instruments and means, impute your said
felicity, first, to the goodness of the cause which
you have set forth, — I mean Christ's true religion;
and secondly, to the sighs and groanings of the
godly in their fervent prayers unto God for you,
" which have hitherto as it were tied and bounden
** the hands of God, that he could not pour out his
plagues upon you and your people, as your people
most justly deserved. Take heed that you never
think of declining from God, lest that be verified
of you which is written of Joash, as who continued

z [Theodoret Eccl. Hist. V. 8.]
Gg3

454 The Church History book i%.

A.D. 1580. " a prince of God and godly government for many
— — ^ " years together, afterward, eum roboratus esset^
saith the text, elevatum est cor ejiLS in interitum
suum et neglewit Dominum. You have done many
" things well, but except you persevere unto the
" end, you cannot be blessed ; for if you turn from
" Grod, then God will turn his merciful kindness
" from you ; and what remaineth then to be looked
" for, but only a terrible expectation of God's judg-
" ment, and heaping up wrath against the day of
wrath? But I trust in God your majesty will
always humble yourself under his mighty hand,
" and go forward in the zealous setting forth of
" God's true religion, always yielding due obedience
" and reverence to the word of God, the only rule
" of faith and religion. And if you do so, although
" God hath just causes, many ways, to be angry with
" you and us for our unthankfulness, yet I doubt
" nothing but for his own name's sake, and for his
" own glory's sake, he will still hold his merciful
" hand over us, shield and protect us under the sha-
" dow of his wings, as he hath done hitherto. I
" beseech God our heavenly Father plentifully to
" pour his principal spirit upon you, and always ta
*' direct your heart in his holy fear.

" Amen."

What could be written with more spirit and less
animosity? more humility and less dejection? I
see a lamb in his own can be a lion in God and his
church's cause. Say not that oi^bitds and senectics
(the two things which made the man speak so boldly
to the tyrant ^) only encouraged Grindal in this his

a Plutarch. Morals.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

455

writing, whose necessary boldness did arise, partly a. 0.1580.
from confidence in the goodness of the cause, for— ^ — ^
which, partly from the graciousness of the queen to
whom he made his address ; but, alas ! all in vain :
Leicester had so filled her majesty's ears with com-
plaints agamst him, there was no room to receive
his petition.

4. Indeed Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lam- Lambeth
beth House, alleging as good arguments for his ob- 6^ai*s
taining thereof as ever were urged by Ahab for*^*"
Naboth's vineyard. Now Grindal, though generally
condemned for remissness in this kind, (parting with
more from his see than ever his successors thanked
him for ^) stoutly opposed the alienating of this his
principal palace, and made the Leicestrian party to
malice him; but more hereof hereafter^. Mean-
time may the reader take notice that a great scholar
lind statesman, and no enemy to the hierarchy, in
his worthy *' Considerations about Church-Go vem-
" ment ^," (tendered to king James,) conceiveth that
such prophesyings which Grindal did favour might
be so discreetly cautioned and moderated, as to make
them, without fear of faction, profitable for advancing

h [Upon this passage Strype
remarks : " This is a hard
'* charge, but spoken in gene-
" ral terms. If he means ex-
" changes with the queen, he
'' and all the rest of the bishops
** were forced to make these
'* exchanges by an act that
'* passed for that purpose in
•• the beginning of her reign ;
*' and what endeavours he and
" two or three more of the first
** elects made, by a secret letter
*' to her majesty, and by a

" voluntary proffer of a large
'* yearly equivalent, to forbear
" the making use of that power
" the parliament had given her,
" hath been before shewn/'
Life of Grindal, p. 306. The
secret letter mentioned in the
above quotation is printed at
length in Strype's Life of Par-
ker, App. p» 1 6.]

c In Grindal's character at
his death.

d Sir Francis Bacon, [Works,
vol. II. p. 524, ed. Lond. 1 826.]

G g 4

456 The Church History book ix.

A. D. 1.580. of learning and religion. But bo jealous were some
— — L bishops of that age of these prophesyings, as having
too much presbyterian analogy and clasdcal consti-
tution therein, they decried the motion of them as
schismatical.
The death 5. I find uo mortality of protestant worthies this
BiSSST"*^ year, but amongst the catholics much moan for the
death of Alan Cope, Harpsfield*s great correspond-
ent, and agent for those of his religion at Rome,
where he died, and was buried in the English col-
lege * ; and George Bullock, bred in St. John's in
Cambridge, and after lived in Antwerp, in the
monastery of St. Michael's ^.
Popish 6. Now began priests and Jesuits to flock faster

l^rarm into *^*^ England than ever before, having exchange of
England, elothcs, and names, and professions : he who on
Sunday was a priest or Jesuit, was on Monday a
merchant, on Tuesday a soldier, on Wednesday a
courtier, &c. ; and with the shears of equivocation,
constantly carried about him, he could cut himself
into any shape he pleased. But under all their new
shapes they retained their old nature, being akin in
their turbulent spirits to the wind pent in the sub-
terranean concavities, which will never be quiet
until it hath vented itself with a state-quake of
those countries wherein they abide. These distilled
traitorous principles into all people wheresoever
they came, and endeavoured to render them dis-
affected to her majesty; maintaining that she neither
had nor ought to have any dominion over her sub-
jects whilst she persisted in an heretical distance
from the church of Rome.

e [See Wood's Athen. 1. 198.] ^ [Tanner's Bibl. p. 139.]

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 457

7. Hereupon the parliament, which now met atA.D.is8a

Westniinster, was enforced, for the security of the ^

state, to enact severe laws against them ^ : first, that se^ty^
it should be treason to draw any from that feithm^r*^^*"
established in England to the Romish religion ; Jg^'*
secondly, that it should be treason to be reconciled
to the Romish religion ; thirdly^ that to maintain or
conceal any such person longer than twenty days,
should be misprision of treason ; fourthly, that saying
mass should be two hundred marks penalty and one
year's imprisonment ; fifthly, hearing mass should be
one hundred marks penalty and one year's imprison-
ment ; sixthly, absence from the church one month
finable at twenty pounds ; seventhly, all they shall
be imprisoned who will not or cannot pay the for-
feiture ; eighthly, it was provided that such should
pay ten pounds a month who kept a schoolmaster in
their house, who repaireth not to church. Where,
by the way, we may mention that some since con-
ceive themselves to have discovered a defect in this
law, because no order is taken therein against popish
schoolmistresses ; and although schoolmaster may
seem of the common gender, and inclusive of both
sexes, yet by the letter of the law all she-teachers,
which did mischief to little children, evaded the
punishment. Thus when authority hath carefully
shut all doors and windows imaginable, some little
offenders will creep through the crannies thereof ».

^ [See the Statutes of the upon the Roman catholics.

Realm, 23 Eliz. c. i.] The results which it produced

8 [The reader vnW. find a list are well stated in bishop Good-

of the sums paid in some few man's Memoirs, p. 93 : " The

instances in Strype*s Annals, " penal laws were such, and so

IV. p. 197. This law fell with ^* executed, that they could not

a pernicious and ruinous effect *' subsist: what was usuallysold

458

The Church HisUny

BOOK IX.

Many
against
money-
mulcts for

A. D. 1580. 8. When sovereigns have made laws, subjects
sometimes take the boldness to sit in judgment upon
them ; to commend them for just, or condemn them
for cruel, as here it came to pass. Some (and those
far enough from all popery) misliked the imposing
of money-mulcts on men's consciences. If the mass
were lawful, let it freely be permitted ; if unlawful,
let it wholly be prohibited. It is a sad case to
make men pay dear for their damnation, and so sell
them a license to do that which the receivers of
their money conceive to be unlawful. It is part of
the character of the whore of Babylon, (which pro-
testants generally apply to Borne,) that she traded or
made a mart of the souls of men \ as this was little
better.

Others con- 9, Qthcrs, uot disUkiug a pecuniary penalty, yet

oeive uie

in shops, and openly bought,
this the pursuevant would
take away from them, as being
popish and superstitious. One
knight did affirm that in one
term he gave twenty nobles
in reward to the door-keeper
of the attorney-general ; an-
other did affirm that his third
part which remained unto
him of his estate did hardly
serve for his expense in law
to defend him from other
oppressions ; besides their
children to be taken from
home, to be brought up in
another religion. So they
did every way conclude that
their estate was desperate ;
they could die but once, and
their religion was more pre-
cious unto them than their
lives. They did further con-
sider their misery, how they
were debarred in any course

tt
tt
«(
tt
it
tt
tt
tt

(t
tt
tt
tt
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt

€t

of life to help themselves:
they could not practise law^
they could not be citizens,
they could have no office ;
they could not breed up their
sons, none did desire to
match with them ; they had
neither fit marriages for their
daughters, nor nunneries to
put them into ; for those few
which are beyond seas are
not considerable in respect
of the number of recusants*
and none can be admitted
into those without great sums
of money, which they, being
exhausted, could not supply.
The spiritual court did not
cease to molest them, to ex-
communicate them^ then to
imprison them ; and thereby
they were utterly disenabled
to sue for their own."]
^ Rev. xviii. 13.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 469

conceived the proportion thereof unreasonable : ^- ^- 'jSo.

twenty pounds a month, a vast sum, (especially as : —

exacted by lunary months, consisting of twenty-eight of the fine
days, and so making thirteen months in the year,) sdonaWe.
enough to shatter the containment of a rich man's
estate. They commended the moderation of the
former statute, which required twelve pence a Sun-
day of all such as could not give a reasonable excuse
of their absence from church. That did smart, yet
did not fetch blood; at the worst, did not break
bones. Whereas now twenty pounds a month, paid
severally by every recusant for himself, and as much
for his wife, (which, though one flesh in divinity, yet
are two persons in law,) held so heavy as to cripple
their estates. And as the rich hereby were almost
undone, so the poor papists (who also had souls to
save) passed wholly unpunished, paying nothing,
because unable to pay all the penalty. And although
imprisonment was imposed by law on persons not
solvable, yet officers were unwilling to cast them
into jail, where they might lie and fill the jails, and
rot vdthout hopes of enlargement.

10. Larger were the debates, both then and since, Ar^ments
in discourse and writing, about the capital punish- S^eS^er*^
ment in taking away the lives of Jesuits ; some being jJ^^^iJ^* p^^
zealous for the vigorous execution of those laws, and death.
others as earnest for the confining only of Jesuits '
close prisoners during their life, conceiving it con-
ducing most to the tranquillity of the kingdom. But
see their reasons :

It is safest for England with It is safest for England to

vigour and rigour to in- keep Jesuits in perpetual

spirit the iaws^ and put durance, without taking

Jesuits to death. away their lives.

460

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A.D. 1580. !• Their breath is conta-
23 Eliz. gious to English air, whose
appearance in any protestant
state is as sure a presage
as the playing of porpoises
above water that foul weather
is to follow therein.

2. It would render the
reputation of our state lighter
in the balance of the best
friends thereof^ if it should
enact severe laws against
offenders, and then hang
those laws up, like forfeits in
a barber'^s shop, only to be
looked on and laughed at,
as never put in execution.
What was this, but to make
the sword of justice (which
ought alwajfs to be kept keen
and sharp) but to be like
fencers'* swords, when they
play in jest-earnest, having
the edge dun ted and the
point buttoned up? Might
not felons and murderers,
even with some justice, pro-
mise much mercy unto them-
selves, (whose offences are
terminated in spoiling or
killing of particular persons,)
if priests and Jesuits, public
incendiaries of the state, have
such mercy indulged unto
them ?

8. Favour in this kind in-
dulged to Jesuits would be
generally misinterpreted to

1. All sinners are not de-
vils, and all devils are not
Beelzebubs. Some priests
and Jesuits are of a milder
temper and better metalled,
who by moderation may be
melted into amendment.

% The point and edge of
the sword of justice (under-
stand the law itself) may
remain as sharp as it was
before; only the arm may
and ought to strike with less
strength, and use more mo-
deration in inflicting such
severe punishments. The
most wholesome laws would
be poison, (justice, hot in
the fourth degree, is cruelty,)
if enforced at all times and
on all persons to the utmost
extremity. Let the law stand
unrepealed, only some miti-
gation be used in the execu-
tion thereof.

3. Princes ought not to
be affrighted from doing
what is good and honourable

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

461

proceed, not from her ma.
jesty's pity, but either from
her fearfulness, (as not dar-
ing longer to enrage the
popish party,) or from her
guiltiness, who out of remorse
of conscience could not find
in her heart to execute such
cruel laws as she had en-
acted.

4. This, in all probability,
will be the most effectual
course to extirpate Jesuitism
out of -the land; for their
superiors beyond the seas,
seeing all such as they send
hither impartially cut off by
the hand of justice, will either
out of pity forbear for the
future to thrust moe men into
the jaws of death, or else
such subject-Jesuits, out of
policy, will refuse to be sent
by them on unavoidable de-
struction.

in itself, with the scarecrowsA. D. 1580.
of people's misinterpreta- ^^ ^^^'
tions thereof. If such mis-
constructions of her majesty'*s
mercy be taken up wilfully,
let such persons bear the
blame and shame of their
voluntary and affected errors.
If they be only ignorant mis-
takes of ingenuous persons,
time will rectify their judg-
ments, and beget in them a
better opinion of her majes-
ty's proceedings. However,
better it is that the queen'^s
lenity should hazard such
misconstructions thereof, than
that otherwise she should be
certainly censured for cruelty,
and the state taxed as desir-
ous to grow fat by sucking
the blood of catholics.

4. It will rather be the
way to continue and increase
the same. The blood of
martyrs, whether real or re-
puted, is the seed of that
church, true or false, in
maintenance whereof they
lose their lives. We know
clamorousness and multitude
dp much in crying up mat-
ters ; and herein the papists,
at home and beyond the seas,
will play their parts, to roar
out such men for martyrs. A
succession of Jesuits to be
sent over will never fail, see-

462

The Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1580.
33 Eliz.

5. The dead do not bite,
and, being despatched out
of the way, are forgotten ;
whereas, if Jesuits be only
condemned to perpetual dur-
ance, their party abroad will
be restless in plotting and
practising their brethren's
enlargement. It is safer,
therefore, to take away sub-

jectum conatusy (the subject
and object of their endea-
vours,) by ridding them quite
out of the way, that their
complices may despair to
relieve them ; for, though
prisoners may be rescued
with much might, dead men
cannot be revived without
miracle.

6. No precedent could
ever yet be produced of any
priest or Jesuit who was con-
verted with imprisonment ;
it is therefore but just that
they who will not be mended
with the jail should be ended
with the gallows.

ing that service amongst erro-
neous judgments will never
want volunteers, where merit
of heaven is the believed
wages thereof.

5. The greater rage mov-
eth to the greater revenge,
and the greater (appre-
hended) injury causeth the
greater rage. It will rather
sharpen the edge of popish
zeal, more earnestly to re-
venge their deaths, than to
rescue them from durance.

6. Though the instance
cannot be given of any priest
or Jesuit who hath totally
renounced his religion, yet
some have been made semi-
converts, so far as to dis-
claim the treacherous part
and principles thereof. This
is most visible in the secular
priests, the queen's lenity so
working on many of them
that both in writing and
preaching they have detested

CENT. XVI.

of Britain.

468

7. The rather, because no
Jesuit is put to death for his
religion, but rebellion. They
are never examined on any
article of their faith, nor are
their consciences burdened
with any interrogatories
touching their belief; but
only practices against the
state are charged upon them.

and confuted all such traitor- A. D. 1580.
ous practices, as against the ^^ ^
laws of God.

7. The death of Jesuits,
in such cases, may fitly be
styled the child of their re-
bellion, but the grandchild
of their religion, which is
removed but a degree far-
ther; for their obedience to
their superiors putteth them
on the propagation of their
religion, and by all means to
endeavour the same, which
causeth them out of an erro-
neous conscience to do that
which rendereth them offend-
ers to our state. Now, in all
ages, such as have suffered
for their consciences, not
only immediately and in a
direct line, but also at the
second hand and by implica-
tion, receive pity from all
such as behold their suffer-

•

^ngs, (whether as a debt due,
or as an alms given unto
them, let others dispute ;)
and therefore such putting
of Jesuits unto death will
but procure unto them a
general commiseration.

These and many other reasons (too many and
tedious to be here inserted) were brought, and
bandied on both sides, eveiy one censming as they
stood affected.

464 The Church History book ix.

A.D. r58a 11. In the execution of these laws against Jesuits,
^ queen Elizabeth embraced a middle and moderate

The ezecu- x i i t. i • i ^

tionofthis waj. Indeed, when a new rod is made, some must
rated?*^* bo whipped therewith, though it be but in terrorem
of others. When these statutes were first in the
state, or magisteriality thereof, they were severely
put in practice on such offenders as they first lighted
on ; but some years after, the queen and her judges
grew remiss in the execution thereof: witness the
only confining of many of them to Wisbich Castle,
where they fell out amongst themselves. And in
king James his days this dormant law against Jesuits
only awakened some once in four or five years, to
shew the world that it was not dead, and then fairly
fell asleep again, being very sparingly put in execu-
tion against some notorious offenders.
Sendere ^^' ^^ worst was, the puuishment happened
scape best, hcaviost ou thoso which were the least offenders;
for whereas the greatest guilt was in the senders,
all the penalty fell on the messengers : I mean on
such novices which, sent hither at their superiors'
commands, and who, having lost their sight beyond
the seas by blind obedience, came over to lose their
lives in England. Now Jesuitism is a weed whose
leaves, spread into our land, may be cut off, but
the root thereof is out of reach, as fixed in Rome
and other foreign parts ; for in the mean time their
superiors, staying at Rome, ate, slept, wrote, railed,
complained of persecution, making of faces ; and
they themselves crying out " Oh !" whilst they thrust
the hands of others of their own religion into the
fire.
The acts of 13, j\ Jq^j parliament is always attended with a

a silent con- *^ j

vocation.

CENT. XVI. ^Britain. 465

silent convocation, as here it came to pass '. The ^- ^'^^^'

activity of the fonner in church matters left the

latter nothing to do. Only this account I can give
thereof out of our records : first, archbishop Grindal
appeared not at all therein, — age, blindness, and
disgrace keeping the good father at home ; secondly,
John Aylmer, bishop of London, was appointed his
locum tenensy or deputy ; thirdly, this convocation
began in St. Paul's, (where it continued without any
removal,) with reading the Litany vulgar i sermone^
in the English tongue; fourthly, the bishop com-
mended three (namely, Dr. [Laurence] Humfrey, dean
of Winchester ; Dr. George ^ Day, dean of Windsor ;
and Dr. [Gabriel] Goodman, dean of Westminster) to
the inferior clergy, to choose one of them for their
referendary or prolocutor ; fifthly. Dr. Day was
elected^, and presented for that office; sixthly™,
motion was made of drawing up some articles against
the dangerous opinions of the Family of Love, a
sect then much increasing, but nothing was effected;
seventhly, at several sessions they met and prayed,
and conferred, and prorogued their meeting «, and
departed ; lastly, the clergy granted a subsidy, (after-
wards confirmed by the parliament,) and so the con-
vocation was dissolved.

^ [Fuller has sacrificed too by Wilkins, in his Concilia, IV.

much to antithesis; for, as 293.]

Strype observes, many weighty ^ So called by mistake in

matters were debated in this Records; otherwise his name

convocation. Two authentic was William,

journals of its proceedings have ^ [Jan. 25.]

been preserved and printed : ^ [In the tiiird session^ Jan,

one by Strype, from bishop 27.]

Atterbury's Extracts, (Life of n [On the 20th March to

Grindal, p. 257, sq.;) the other 25th April, 1581.]

FULLER, VOL. IV. H h

466 The Church History book ix,

A. D. 1580. 14. Now can I not satisfy myself, on my strictest

inquiry, what Jesuit or priest had the first handsel

whom the of that sevoro statute made against them. Indeed
firet h!^d- I fi^d ^ priest, John Pain by name, executed at
^^^ Chelmsford, March the 31st <>, (which was but thir-
teen days after the dissolution of the parliament,)
for certain speeches by him uttered, but cannot
avouch him for certainty tried on this statute. More
probable it is that Thomas Ford, John Short, and
Robert Johnson, priests executed at London, were
the first-fruits of the state's severity p.
The death 15. No eminent clergyman protestant died this
Berkeiy. ycar^, savo Gilbert Berkely, bishop of Bath and
Wells, who, as his arms do attest, was allied to the
ancient and honourable family of the Berkelys.
of o^nL 16. The presbyterian party was not idle all this
byteriMis while, but appointed a meeting at Cockfield (Mr.
fieid. Kjiewstub's cure) in Suffolk, where threescore minis-
ters of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire met
together, to confer of the Common Prayer-Book,
what might be tolerated, and what necessary to be
refused in every point of it,-.-apparel, matter, form,
days, fastings, injunctions, &c. ' Matters herein were
carried with such secresy, that we can see no light
thereof, but what only shineth through one crevice,
in a private letter of one thus expressing himself to

o [The 2nd of April, 1582. 86, b.]

See the diary affixed to San- 4 [He died the year before,

ders De Schism. Angl., ibid, Nov. 2nd, 1581. See Grodwin

and Bridgewater*s Concertatio, De Prsesul. p. 389. Strype's

f, 81, b, which contains a very Annals, III. 28.]

full account of his trial and ^ [See Bancroft's Dangerous

execution.] Positions, III. 2.]

P [See Bridgewater, ibid. f.

CENT. XVI. of Britain. 467

■

his friend*: " Concerning the meeting, I hope all a. d. 1580.

" things were so proceeded in as yourself would like '—

" of, as well for reverence to other brethren, as for
" other matters. I suppose before this time some
*' of the company have told you by word, for that
" was permitted unto you."

17. We are also at as great a loss what was theAno*«ra^
result of their meeting at the commencement at
Cambridge, this being all we find thereof in a letter

of one to his private friend * : " Concerning the com-
mencement, I like well the motion, desiring it
might so come to pass, and that it be procured to
be as general as might be ; which may easily be
brought to pass, if you at London shall so think

*' well of it, and we here may understand your mind;

*' we vnll, we trust, as we can further it. Mr. Allen

" liketh well of the matter."

18. The year proved very active, especially in the iiie activi.
practices of presbyterians, who now found so muchpr^byte-
favour as almost amounted to a connivance at their "*^'
discipline ; for whilst the severity of the state was

at this time intended to the height against Jesuits,
some lenity of course (by the very rules of opposi-
tion) fell to the share of the nonconformists, even on
the score of their notorious enmity to the Jesuitical
party.

19. The city of Geneva was at this time reduced Beza's let-
to great difficulties by the Savoyard, her potent vers, ia the
adversary, and forced to purchase peace on dear and oenev^
bitter terms, saving that "extremity sweetens all

» Mr. Piggy in his letter to ^ Idem ibidem. [Bancroft,
Mr. Fields dated May 16. ib.]
[Bancroft, ib.]

468

Tfie Church History

BOOK IX.

A. D. 1580." things;" and her present condition was incapable
' of better conditions. Hereupon Mr. Beza, the tongue

and pen of that state to foreign parts, addressed
himself by letter to Mr. Walter Travers, whom I
may term the neck (allowing Mr. Cartwright for the
head) of the presbyterian party, the second in honour
and esteem, then chaplain to the lord treasurer, and
of whom more hereafter. The tenor of the letter
is here inserted, subscribed by Beza's own hand, (and
in my possession,) which, though it be of foreign
extraction, carries much in it of English concern-
ment:

Gratiam et pacem a Domino.

Si quoties tui et C. nostri
sum recordatus* mi frater,
toties ad te scripsissem, jam
pridem esses Uteris meis
obrutus. NuUus enim dies
abit quin de vobis vestrisque
rebus solicite cogitem, quod
ita postulare non amicitia
modo vetus nostra^ sed etiam
rerum ipsarum de quibus
laboratis magnitudo videa-
tur.

Sed cum in ea tempora
nos incidisse viderem, qui-
bus silere me quam vobis
scribere prsestaret, silentium
adbuc mibi invitissimo in-
dixi. Nunc vero quum
ilium quorundam ardorem
audiam per Dei gratiam de-
fervisse nolui Lunc nostrum
absque meis ad te Uteris
pervenire, quibus eundem
esse me qui fui, testarer^ et

Grace and peace from the Lord.

If as often, dear brother, as I
have remembered thee and our
Cartwright, so often I should
have written unto thee, long since
you had been overwhelmed with
my letters; for there not passes
a day wherein I do not carefully
think both of you and your mat-
ters ; which not only our ancient
friendship, but also the greatness
of those affairs wherein you take
pains^ seemeth so to require.

But seeing I perceive, we are
fallen into those times wherein
my silence may be safer for you
than my writing, I have, though
most unwillingly, commanded my-
self silence hitherto. But now^
seeing that I hear that the heat
of some men by God's grace is
abated^ I would not have this my
friend come to you without my
letters, that I may testify myself
still the same unto you, what

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

469

abs te peterem, ut me yicis-
sim de rebus vestris certio-
rem facere ne graveris. Sed
et alia sese prsebuit scri-
bendi occasio, bujus videli-
cet reip. maximse, imo tantse
difficultates, ut» nisi aliunde
sublevetur, parva nobis ad-
modum tuendse in consueto
statu ecclesise ac scholse spes
supersit ; quod ita esse vel
ex eo cognosces quod bsec
plane inverecunda consilia
capere cogamur. Nam con-
cessae quidem nobis sunt per
Dei gratiam aliquse inducise,
sed parum, ut apparet, iirmae
futurae, et tantis veluti re-
demptse sumptibus ut in
fieris etiam alieni veluti freto
jactati non temere naufra-
gium metuamus.

Amabo te igitur, mi fra-
ter^ et precibus assiduis nos
juvare perge, et siquid prae-
terea apud nonnullos autho-
ritate vales, quantum nos
ames in Domino, quacunque
honesta ratione poteris os-
tende. Scrips! vero etiam
ego vestris plerisque proce-
ribus,et episcoporumquoque
collegium ausi sumus com-
munibus literis hac de re
compellare : verum quod sit
mearum literarum pondus
futurum vel ex eo conjicio,
quod cum Oxoniensi scholae
superiore vere meam sim
observantiam, misso vene-

formerly I was, and that I may A. D. 1580.
request of you not to think much, ^3 J^"^-
at his return^ to certify me of
your affairs. AJso another occa-
sion of writing offereth itself,
namely, the great straits of this
commonwealth J yea, so greats
that except it be relieved from
other parts^ very small hope re-
maineth unto us to maintain the
church and university in the for-
mer state thereof. That these
things are so, you may know from
hence that we are forced to ad-
venture on these bold and un-
mannerly courses for our support;
for by God's grace a kind of peace
is granted unto us, but, as it
seems^ not likely to last long;
and that also purchased at so
great a price, that, tossed as it
were in the sea of a great debt,
we have great cause to fear ship-
wreck therein.

I beseech thee^ therefore, my
brother, both proceed to help us
with thy daily prayers, and be-
sides, if you have any power to
prevail with some persons, shew
us by what honest means you may
how much you love us in the
Lord. I also have written to
most of your noble men, and we
have been bold with our public
letters to acquaint your college of
bishops of this matter ; but what
weight my letters are likely to
bear I can guess by this, that
when, last spring, I testified my
respects to the university of Ox-

470

The Church History

BOOK ix.

A. D. 158a. randae plane vetustatis Novi
^^ ^^- Testament! Graeco - Latini
codice, testatus, qui publico
bibliothecae consecraretur,
ne literulam quidem inde
aocepi^ ex qua meam banc
voluntatem ipsis non ingra-
tam fuisse cognoscerem. Cu-
jusmodi etiam quiddam apud
unum et alteram ex priori-
bus vestris sum expertus.
Sed hoc, quaeso, inter nos
dictum esto. Ego vero frus-
tra etiam quidvis tentare,
quam officio in banc Rem-
pub. Ecclesiam ac scbolam
deesse tam necessario tem-
pore malui. Bene vale, mi
carissime frater. D. Jesus
tibi magis ac magis, et om-
nibus ipsius gloriam serio
cupientibus benedicat.

Genevae, Octobris ^^
1582.

Tuus, Beza, aliena jam
manu saepe uti coactus^
sua ipsius vacillante.

ford, by sending them a New
Testament, (Greek and Latin,)
truly of venerable antiquity,
which should be kept in their
public library, I did not so
much as receive the least letter
from them, whereby I might
know that this my good-will was
acceptable to them. And some
such requital also I have found
from one or two of your noble
men ; but this 1 pray let it be
spoken between us alone. For
my part I had rather try any
thing, though in vain, than to be
wanting in my duty to this state,
churchy and university, especial
in so necessary a juncture of time.
Farewell, my dear brother; the
Lord Jesus every day more and
more bless thee, and all that ear-
nestly desire his glory.

Geneva, October,
1582.

Thine, Beza, often using ano-
ther man*8 hand, because of
the shaking of my own.

suit was
coldly re-
sented.

We must not let so eminent a letter pass without
some observations upon it. See we here the secret
sympathy betwixt England and Geneva, about dis-
cipline ; Geneva helping England with her prayers,
England aiding Geneva with her purse.

20. By the college of bishops, here mentioned by
Beza, we understand them assembled in the last
convocation. Wonder not that Geneva's wants found

* The figure of the day not legible.

CENT. XVI.

of Britain,

471

no more pity from the episcopal party, seeing all a. ©.1582.
those bishops were dead who (formerly exiles in the — — 1^
Marian days) had found favour and relief in Geneva;
and now a new generation arose, having as little
affection as obligation to that government. But,
however it fared with Geneva at this time, sure I
am that some years after x, preferring her petition
to the prelacy, (though frequent begging makes
slender alms,) that commonwealth tasted largely of
their liberality.

21. Whereas mention is made of the "heat of Why the

rigorous

" some abated," this related to the matter of sub- pressing of
scription, now not pressed so earnestly as at the first Son^M
institution thereof y. This remissness may be im-J^**"***'
puted partly to the nature of all laws ; for though
knives, if of good metal, grow sharper (because their
edge thinner) by using, yet laws commonly are keen-
est at the first, and are blunted in process of time
in their execution. Partly it is to be ascribed to

^ Vide an. 1602, parag.

y [I am at a loss to conceive
how Fuller could have been led
into so great an error. A de-
sire to provide for Geneva was
one of the last concerns which
occupied Grindal's attention
previous to his resigning his
archbishopric. See Strype's
Grind, p. 278. In the State
Paper Office I have seen a book
containing an account of the
subscriptions of the clergy and
laity in the diocese of Canter-
bury towards the relief of Ge-
neva. The archbishop, Ed.
Grindal, gave 66/. 135. 4^.; the
prebends, 50/. ; the highest
subscription of any of the laity
is 5/., and among their names

occur those of lady Berkeley
and sir £d. Sands. Eccl. Pap.
sub hoc anno. This was indeed
a noble and Christian return
to a man who had done much
to encourage faction and schism
in the English churchy and who
scrupled not in his letters to
brand the bishops of our church
and their order in terms which
would hardly have been ex-
pected even from an enemy to
religion. To give but one in-
stance : in his letter to Knox,
speaking of the bishops, he
says, '* Ne unquam iUam pes-
** tern admittant quamvis uni-
** tatis retiuendse specie blan-
*' diatur." Ep. 79.]

472 The Church History of Britain, book ix,

A. D. 1582. archbishop Grindal's age and impotency, who in his

— greatest strength did but weakly urge conformity;

partly to the earl of Leicester' his interposing him-
self patron-general to non-subscribers, being per-
suaded, as they say, by Roger lord North to under-
take their protection.

/■ ^^

*--

tsn

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